On the political front, Moi was facing
open defiance from an increasingly bold pro-reform movement whose
numbers were boosted by the arrival of former Kanu politicians like
Kenneth Stanley Njindo Matiba and Charles Rubia.
On the
July 7, 1990, riots erupted in Nairobi when pro-democracy activists
attempted to hold a rally in defiance of a government ban. Many people
were arrested in the heavy-handed crackdown that followed.
Subsequent
protests became larger in scale and determined in spirit. And Moi, who
was once described by the late Oginga Odinga as a giraffe that can see
far, came to the realisation that multipartism was an unstoppable cause.
“The good thing with Moi is that he knew when to
change. He would listen to the people. When agitation reached its peak,
he would change direction even if not completely,” says politician
Martha Karua.
“Moi could tell when people are hostile,”
recalls Muthaura, while Dr Leakey believes Moi caved in to pressure:
“Moi’s fear was life after office… he had absolute paranoia about
certain people,” he says.
It is the transition to
multipartyism that brought out the best in Moi’s survival instincts.
Much of the country, particularly in major towns, was firmly against
Moi and Kanu, but he survived the 1992 election because the divided
opposition fielded many candidates and split its own vote.
But
the 1990s were also a tough time for Moi on both the diplomatic and the
financial fronts. His cash-strapped, corruption-ridden government was
no longer viewed favourably in Western capitals, and donors were turning
off their taps. To keep the country afloat, Moi accepted the Structural
Adjustment Progammes prescribed by the World Bank and the IMF, and to
demonstrate his commitment Moi drafted in the globally recognised
wildlife conservation champion Richard Leakey to head the civil service
that now included technocrats from the private sector who were dubbed
the Dream Team.
“He felt I had convinced the donors to turn off donor taps,” says Dr Leakey.
But
the Dream Team could not survive for long because of its own attempt to
touch corruption which was Kanu’s equivalent of the Biblical fruit in
the centre of the garden of Aden.
“We had planned to
arrest or at best, indict 11 Cabinet ministers on corruption charges;
the president said no, that’s too many. He said ministers were essential
to his survival because of balancing power,” says Leakey.
He would tell Dr Leakey that he didn’t understand Africa.
The differences were irreconcilable, and Dr Leakey had to go.
“Both
had very strong personalities. None of them would back down,” says Dr
Sally Kosgei who was the head of the Civil Service then.
With
the Dream Team gone and the war on corruption lost, Moi shifted his
energies to managing the oncoming transition. His final five years of a
24-year-term were coming to an end in 2002, and Moi stormed the
political scene with schemes to perpetuate Kanu’s rule beyond his term.
As part of this scheme, Moi did the unthinkable; forging an alliance
with Raila Odinga – a bitter opponent he had detained for eight years.
“We had gone full cycle. We realised that we needed access to Kanu zones,” says Raila of the NDP-Kanu cooperation.
“The
cooperation yielded results. I was appointed the minister for energy,
there was cooperation, partnership and merged parties and then I became
the secretary general” he recalls.
The succession
intrigues deepened when Moi engineered the resignation of nominated MP
Mark Too, and his replacement by Uhuru Kenyatta, son of first President
Jomo Kenyatta. Moi then made changes on the cabinet putting Uhuru in
charge of the politically influential Ministry of Local Government.
But
it wasn’t until the final seven months of his term that Moi made his
intentions known; he wanted Uhuru Kenyatta to be his successor as
President.
Defying the rest of the party top
leadership, Moi threw Uhuru into the race and personally took him to the
campaign trail. The move split Kanu down the middle with Secretary
General Raila Odinga walking out of the party with several cabinet
ministers including Kalonzo Musyoka, William ole Ntimama and the late
George Saitoti to form the Liberal Democratic Party that they nicknamed
Rainbow.
Says Raila: “We disagreed when it came to the
nomination of the presidential candidate because Moi insisted that he
had to pick the flag bearer.”
MUTHAURA CALLS IT A BIG MISTAKE
Moi
pressed ahead and gathered thousands of party supporters at the
Kasarani indoor stadium for the official nomination of Uhuru as KANU
presidential candidate.
Uhuru was by this time nicknamed ‘the Project’ by his opponents.
Uhuru was by this time nicknamed ‘the Project’ by his opponents.
“We differed with Moi,” says Raila. “That was a big mistake,” says Muthaura.
According
to longtime MP Fred Gumo, “The main fear of that time was that Uhuru
was too young.” According to Gumo it was feared that Moi would use
Uhuru. “ The biggest fear was Moi himself.”
“He (Moi) handled his transition really badly,” chips in Peter Kenneth.
As
Moi and Uhuru hit the campaign trail, top civil service officials led
by Dr Sally Kosgei began preparing for the historic transition. For the
first time ever the country was about to witness the handing over of
power from one president to the next.
“Most of my work was in ensuring a peaceful transition,” remembers Kosgei.
“We
met every day between 6 and 8am. By October we had two speeches; one to
concede defeat and a victory one in the unlikely event that the Kanu
candidate won.”
As a result of the many successes in
his many years in politics, Daniel Toroitich arap Moi was nicknamed The
Professor of Politics. But the political Midas touch appeared to be
escaping the king when it came to his succession plan. Uhuru was headed
to a loss and Kanu suffered a humiliating defeat.
“It was very clear. We were in this country. You could feel it,” says Dr Kosgei.
“I
told him (Moi) what the people in the street and in my village were
saying, but he told me ‘you don’t know anything. You are in Nairobi.’”
It
was baffling because, Dr Kosgei says, Moi knew better. “He was in
constant touch with DOs and village elders and the Intelligence people
had briefed him.”
Gumo recalls the president’s
stubbornness. “He was not ready to listen to anybody; even his Baringo
people who asked him to support senior people — Saitoti or Raila. He
said no.”
As the vote counting went on, Uhuru Kenyatta conceded that “Mwai Kibaki would be the third president of Kenya”.
A
bad miscalculation was the final act in the 24-year story of President
Daniel arap Moi. Supporters of the triumphant NARC coalition mistreated
the old man on his last day in office during the chaotic handover
ceremony, and officials later followed this apparent humiliation with
some snide remarks.
“Moi aende achunge mbuzi,” said Kiraitu Murungi.
Moi
has never publicly commented on the events at the handover ceremony or
remarks made thereafter. He also let others to be judge in the
contentious matter of his legacy. To Lee Njiru there was no mistake.
“It
was not Mzee who was defeated in 2002. It was Uhuru. Mzee’s name was
not on the ballot paper. Mzee has not lost an election since 1955.”
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