By Correspondent: 15th February 2013 The Guardian
Small scale mining is one of the sectors run
informally in Tanzania. Yet if well utilized, can contribute a lot to
government revenue and the country�s development. (File photo)
Tanzania introduced the Tax Modernisation Programme
in 1995 with the objective to enhance revenue collection by improving
tax administration and reduce taxation costs both in terms of compliance
and administration. The Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) has really
advanced in terms of administration of various taxes. However, their
efforts have been hindered by their natural inability to navigate
through the informal sector because activities associated with this
terrain of life are informal while TRA is formal.
However, economists and tax experts have always
confirmed that there is a big room to widen the tax base in the informal
sector and therefore improve government revenue performance.
It is unfortunate that the government endeavours to navigate in the informal sector by using formal tools.
Informal sectors are set of economic units which do
not comply with legal regulations, yet whose products are considered
legal and taken on board in national numbers.
Informal economic activities are mostly unrecorded, with scanty and disorganised information.
The term informality means different things to
different people, but almost always relating to bad things; illegal,
unprotected, low productivity, evasive to regulation, evasion of the
rule of law, etc.
The World Bank acknowledges that there are numerous
reasons to care for informal activities, and that, as such, they should
not be ignored and be left on their own.
The Director General of the East African Community,
customs and trade (Peter Kabuta) had earlier recommended for the need
for East African countries to accord the region fast growing informal
sector more attention with the view to contributing to the growth and
development of the economies of the region.
The headache with many governments for the last two
to three decades revolves around structuring an administrative model
that can best work or fit in informal sectors.
Taxation is believed to be the most affected and most hit by existence of informal activities.
Informal sector activities in Tanzania include
construction, transport, tuition, medical services, recreational halls,
animal husbandry, milling business, entertainment and urban agriculture
among others.
The founder of the term “informal sector”, a social
anthropologist, Keith Hart (1971) insisted from the word go that one
should not consider the sector easy.
Since then the term has gained popularity and has received high level attention but fraught with terminological discomfort.
Informal sector has been sometimes linked with
bazaar-economy, disorder, black market, and at times, the world turned
upside down.
Some economist have labelled it with underground economy, hidden, parallel, black, clandestine, household etc.
Such different definitions simply confirm that the term ‘informal sector’ is all confusion.
Different disciplines (economics, labour, finance,
sociology, etc.) also define the term differently. There is therefore no
unique and uniform definition of the term, but instead researchers,
based on the various criteria, have attempted to define it in accordance
with the problem at hand.
Tanzania has a large informal sector compared with
the other East African countries. The World Bank Doing Business database
ranks the country among the three countries in Africa with the largest
such sector, together with Nigeria and Zimbabwe.
Economists suggest that informal sector is here to
stay and grow. The Integrated Labour Force Survey, 2000/01 – Analytical
Report reveals that 61 percent of the total households in urban areas
had informal sector activities (including urban agriculture) in 2000 as
compared to 42 percent only in the 1990s.
In the rural areas the informal activities
(excluding rural agriculture) had also grown from 21 percent in the
1990s to 27 percent in 2000.
The presence of large informal sector renders it
difficult for governments to efficiently work out and programme any
development plans.
It is also believed that economies with large
informal sectors have lower capital return and growth rates because the
contribution of public services to productivity decreases with
informality.
Informal sector consume a large share of the public
services that are financed by taxes mostly collected or paid by formal
activities in the formal sector.
Performance of the government revenue in developing
countries as well as other developed countries is therefore directly
and seriously affected by the presence of large informal sector in the
countries.
My discussions in this issue centers on one of the
possible methods to work around the challenges of taxation of the
informal sector in Tanzania, a developing country with its own and
unique characteristics, and whose definition of informality is specific
to itself.
The truth is that informal sector in Tanzania
contributes little to the government revenue (or not at all), and it is
not easy to work out a taxation model that is suitable for informal
activities and/or the informal sector.
All sorts of blames may be wrongly directed towards
the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA), the institution which is formal
in itself, and which requires a formal approach to assess tax.
TRA requires enough information and reliable records, which is not the case with informal activities in the country.
There have been plenty of literature and
discussions going around in Tanzania on how to tax the informal sector,
and therefore improve the government revenue performance.
Unfortunately most of the discussions turn around
and discuss taxation of informal sector by employing formal tactics.
Most of the arguments and solutions to taxation of informal sector turn
to be only relevant to formal activities.
As mentioned above it may be illogical to show
fingers to TRA because TRA is itself formal, with its approach and tools
all formal.
The institution is not vested with resources or the right maneuvering tools for informal activities.
Though TRA is vested with the obligation to tax and
collect tax from any person who has taxable income, the agency requires
well structured records and information to be able to register
taxpayers and administer/assess their taxable amounts.
It is important to note also that it is difficult
to draw a fine line between formal activities as opposed to the informal
activities.
They are sometime intertwined. However, all of us are pretty sure that there is enough tax revenue from the informal sector.
How to go about getting the tax from the informal
sector remains to be a headache. Taxation of informal activities has
always posed challenges to governments.
Taxation is traditionally built on three pillars, namely tax policy, tax law and tax administration.
However, it is the administration part of it that
turns the wheel into money (government revenue) in the bank.
Different
tax regimes require different types of administrative arrangements.
For any tax system a decision has to be made as to
which agency should be responsible for such tax and what is/are the
tax-points (time and place).
While the tax administration will have the main
responsibility for the administration and collection of taxes in
general, different methods suitable for different taxes might be chosen.
While VAT in Tanzania, for example, is administered
and collected through registered traders and the customs offices,
corporation tax is administered or assessed directly through the
corporate tax offices.
It is the nature of different taxes that calls for
such different tax points and tax agents, or in general, tax
administrative arrangements.
What is the tax arrangement that can fit well in taxing the informal activities is the point at issue.
I feel comfortable to humbly confirm from my
experience that informal activities in Tanzania are numerous, not
predictable, full of confusion, with unreliable data and information,
not friendly, with no proper hierarchy of responsibility and therefore
very rough.
In such situations, where the tax points are not
easy, governments around the world have always resorted to administering
tax at source.
Taxation at source has always worked well in
informal sectors. This is where tax is paid or collected when the
payments from certain sources are actually made. Taxation at source is a
mode or form of paying tax where and when payments are made. It may be
through withholding or remittance.
Withholding tax is when the person making the
payment (payer) deducts the amount of tax before passing over the
balance to the person receiving the payment (payee). Taxation by
remittance is when tax is topped up when making payments for specific
goods and services.
The person who pays is required to add a certain
percentage for tax. Economists assert that taxation at source makes tax
administration more effective, widens the tax base where taxes would
otherwise not be collectible and reducing compliance costs.
The agents in taxation at source may be either the
sellers (Remittance) or the buyers (WHT). Together with its other
advantages, taxation at source has always been the solution of taxation
in difficulty or fragile situations like in the informal sectors.
Taxation at source drives its origin from the
concept that the entire economics revolves around one principal;
“somebody’s income is somebody’s payment”.
Ideally the results from taxing payments should not
vary much from taxing incomes. Different countries have employed
taxation at source to manage taxation on slippery situations or
government feels high risk of losing revenue.
Taxation at source is also asserted to be more
economical in some cases. Different countries work out a list of sources
of income that have to be taxed at source. The size of the list varies
from one country to another.
From the above discussed facts, the government in
Tanzania could endeavour to work out and earmark specific
payments/transactions to be included in its list of sources of incomes
and payments to be taxed at source, either through withholding taxation
or through remittance.
The list should be carefully and completely
compared and contracted with the spirit of taxation at source to make
sure that incomes from informal sectors are captured and therefore
taxing the informal sector informally.
The government could work out informal tax points
where taxation of the informal sector could informally be administered
at source.
Certain tax points can be established and presumptive levels be introduced to tax the informal sector informally.
The idea is to depart from using formal tactics in
taxation of informal sector and resort fully taxing the informal
activities at any source.
Tanzania introduced the Tax Modernisation
Programme in 1995 with the objective to enhance revenue collection by
improving tax administration and reduce taxation costs both in terms of
compliance and administration. The Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) has
really advanced in terms of administration of various taxes. However,
their efforts have been hindered by their natural inability to navigate
through the informal sector because activities associated with this
terrain of life are informal while TRA is formal.
However, economists and tax experts have always
confirmed that there is a big room to widen the tax base in the informal
sector and therefore improve government revenue performance.
It is unfortunate that the government endeavours to navigate in the informal sector by using formal tools.
Informal sectors are set of economic units which do
not comply with legal regulations, yet whose products are considered
legal and taken on board in national numbers.
Informal economic activities are mostly unrecorded, with scanty and disorganised information.
The term informality means different things to
different people, but almost always relating to bad things; illegal,
unprotected, low productivity, evasive to regulation, evasion of the
rule of law, etc.
The World Bank acknowledges that there are numerous
reasons to care for informal activities, and that, as such, they should
not be ignored and be left on their own.
The Director General of the East African Community,
customs and trade (Peter Kabuta) had earlier recommended for the need
for East African countries to accord the region fast growing informal
sector more attention with the view to contributing to the growth and
development of the economies of the region.
The headache with many governments for the last two
to three decades revolves around structuring an administrative model
that can best work or fit in informal sectors.
Taxation is believed to be the most affected and most hit by existence of informal activities.
Informal sector activities in Tanzania include
construction, transport, tuition, medical services, recreational halls,
animal husbandry, milling business, entertainment and urban agriculture
among others.
The founder of the term “informal sector”, a social
anthropologist, Keith Hart (1971) insisted from the word go that one
should not consider the sector easy.
Since then the term has gained popularity and has received high level attention but fraught with terminological discomfort.
Informal sector has been sometimes linked with
bazaar-economy, disorder, black market, and at times, the world turned
upside down.
Some economist have labelled it with underground economy, hidden, parallel, black, clandestine, household etc.
Such different definitions simply confirm that the term ‘informal sector’ is all confusion.
Different disciplines (economics, labour, finance,
sociology, etc.) also define the term differently. There is therefore no
unique and uniform definition of the term, but instead researchers,
based on the various criteria, have attempted to define it in accordance
with the problem at hand.
Tanzania has a large informal sector compared with
the other East African countries. The World Bank Doing Business database
ranks the country among the three countries in Africa with the largest
such sector, together with Nigeria and Zimbabwe.
Economists suggest that informal sector is here to
stay and grow. The Integrated Labour Force Survey, 2000/01 – Analytical
Report reveals that 61 percent of the total households in urban areas
had informal sector activities (including urban agriculture) in 2000 as
compared to 42 percent only in the 1990s.
In the rural areas the informal activities
(excluding rural agriculture) had also grown from 21 percent in the
1990s to 27 percent in 2000.
The presence of large informal sector renders it
difficult for governments to efficiently work out and programme any
development plans.
It is also believed that economies with large
informal sectors have lower capital return and growth rates because the
contribution of public services to productivity decreases with
informality.
Informal sector consume a large share of the public
services that are financed by taxes mostly collected or paid by formal
activities in the formal sector.
Performance of the government revenue in developing
countries as well as other developed countries is therefore directly
and seriously affected by the presence of large informal sector in the
countries.
My discussions in this issue centers on one of the
possible methods to work around the challenges of taxation of the
informal sector in Tanzania, a developing country with its own and
unique characteristics, and whose definition of informality is specific
to itself.
The truth is that informal sector in Tanzania
contributes little to the government revenue (or not at all), and it is
not easy to work out a taxation model that is suitable for informal
activities and/or the informal sector.
All sorts of blames may be wrongly directed towards
the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA), the institution which is formal
in itself, and which requires a formal approach to assess tax.
TRA requires enough information and reliable records, which is not the case with informal activities in the country.
There have been plenty of literature and
discussions going around in Tanzania on how to tax the informal sector,
and therefore improve the government revenue performance.
Unfortunately most of the discussions turn around
and discuss taxation of informal sector by employing formal tactics.
Most of the arguments and solutions to taxation of informal sector turn
to be only relevant to formal activities.
As mentioned above it may be illogical to show
fingers to TRA because TRA is itself formal, with its approach and tools
all formal.
The institution is not vested with resources or the right maneuvering tools for informal activities.
Though TRA is vested with the obligation to tax and
collect tax from any person who has taxable income, the agency requires
well structured records and information to be able to register
taxpayers and administer/assess their taxable amounts.
It is important to note also that it is difficult
to draw a fine line between formal activities as opposed to the informal
activities.
They are sometime intertwined. However, all of us are pretty sure that there is enough tax revenue from the informal sector.
How to go about getting the tax from the informal
sector remains to be a headache. Taxation of informal activities has
always posed challenges to governments.
Taxation is traditionally built on three pillars, namely tax policy, tax law and tax administration.
However, it is the administration part of it that
turns the wheel into money (government revenue) in the bank.
Different
tax regimes require different types of administrative arrangements.
For any tax system a decision has to be made as to
which agency should be responsible for such tax and what is/are the
tax-points (time and place).
While the tax administration will have the main
responsibility for the administration and collection of taxes in
general, different methods suitable for different taxes might be chosen.
While VAT in Tanzania, for example, is administered
and collected through registered traders and the customs offices,
corporation tax is administered or assessed directly through the
corporate tax offices.
It is the nature of different taxes that calls for
such different tax points and tax agents, or in general, tax
administrative arrangements.
What is the tax arrangement that can fit well in taxing the informal activities is the point at issue.
I feel comfortable to humbly confirm from my
experience that informal activities in Tanzania are numerous, not
predictable, full of confusion, with unreliable data and information,
not friendly, with no proper hierarchy of responsibility and therefore
very rough.
In such situations, where the tax points are not
easy, governments around the world have always resorted to administering
tax at source.
Taxation at source has always worked well in
informal sectors. This is where tax is paid or collected when the
payments from certain sources are actually made. Taxation at source is a
mode or form of paying tax where and when payments are made. It may be
through withholding or remittance.
Withholding tax is when the person making the
payment (payer) deducts the amount of tax before passing over the
balance to the person receiving the payment (payee). Taxation by
remittance is when tax is topped up when making payments for specific
goods and services.
The person who pays is required to add a certain
percentage for tax. Economists assert that taxation at source makes tax
administration more effective, widens the tax base where taxes would
otherwise not be collectible and reducing compliance costs.
The agents in taxation at source may be either the
sellers (Remittance) or the buyers (WHT). Together with its other
advantages, taxation at source has always been the solution of taxation
in difficulty or fragile situations like in the informal sectors.
Taxation at source drives its origin from the
concept that the entire economics revolves around one principal;
“somebody’s income is somebody’s payment”.
Ideally the results from taxing payments should not
vary much from taxing incomes. Different countries have employed
taxation at source to manage taxation on slippery situations or
government feels high risk of losing revenue.
Taxation at source is also asserted to be more
economical in some cases. Different countries work out a list of sources
of income that have to be taxed at source. The size of the list varies
from one country to another.
From the above discussed facts, the government in
Tanzania could endeavour to work out and earmark specific
payments/transactions to be included in its list of sources of incomes
and payments to be taxed at source, either through withholding taxation
or through remittance.
The list should be carefully and completely
compared and contracted with the spirit of taxation at source to make
sure that incomes from informal sectors are captured and therefore
taxing the informal sector informally.
The government could work out informal tax points
where taxation of the informal sector could informally be administered
at source.
Certain tax points can be established and presumptive levels be introduced to tax the informal sector informally.
The idea is to depart from using formal tactics in
taxation of informal sector and resort fully taxing the informal
activities at any source.
*Viann S.Komba is a senior tax manager with Ernst & Young and is based in Dar es Salaam.
No comments :
Post a Comment