At long last, Lesotho Prime Minister Thomas Thabane resigned. He
had resisted doing so since his second wife was accused of murdering
his first wife.
If this were a plot in a Shakespearean
play, it would make for entertaining literature. Unfortunately, this
real-life drama is being enacted in one of the most underdeveloped
countries in the world.
Half of the population in
Lesotho lives below the poverty line. Unemployment rate hovers near the
30 per cent mark. It has the second highest Aids prevalence rate in the
world.
Most of its foreign exchange earnings come from
remittances from citizens working in South Africa. The country’s
beautiful landscapes mask extreme rural poverty.
Like
most of Africa, the country has not escaped occasional coups or
attempted coups. By contrast, Lithuania, a European country with almost
similar population and geographical size is many times richer and more
functional than Lesotho.
You would think that for a
country with such an epic task of rescuing its people from dysfunction
and poverty, Lesotho’s leaders would be the last in the world to be
mixed up in such drama.
You would expect a prime minister, tainted by the drama either
by association or because he was complicit, to immediately resign in
order not to hinder the country’s progress in any way. And yet the prime
minister resisted calls for his resignation for months, and when he
eventually did, he claimed he was retiring due to old age.
This
unfortunate episode once again calls attention to how African leaders
view power. To them, political authority is not a tool within the matrix
of governance whose purpose is to bring transformation. It is a
perquisite, a reward.
In his essay, The Monarchical Tendency in African Political Culture, Ali Mazrui discusses this conception of power, and its consequences.
We
know too well the gruesome fate of those in Africa’s post-colonial
history who were seen as trying to take away these “personal gifts.”
For a country of three million people, the country labours under a costly royal family.
The
most successful societies in history are those that figure out the most
efficient and productive ways of organising themselves. A long
monarchical tradition does not confer efficiency and productivity to
that system of governance.
True, there are rich
countries that have constitutional monarchies, but they can afford it.
Many other countries have found monarchies to make no sense or cents.
The
Russians and Chinese got rid of theirs. The French guillotined their
last monarch. I’m in no way advocating the French solution to the
monarchy problem in Africa, only asking whether monarchical governance
in desperately poor countries such as Lesotho and Eswatini is the most
efficient and productive way to organise society.
But
more urgently, we must find ways of depersonalising political authority
in Africa and restoring it as a function of governance for public
advancement. Perhaps an African Union summit will put this on its
agenda. But don’t hold your breath.
Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator
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