Integrate, integrate and integrate! Since our independence in
1963, the East African region has periodically beat the drum proclaiming
the need for greater integration among the countries.
Historical
East African Community attempts failed in large part due to Kenya’s
economic dominance such that our products would flood and dwarf other
regional markets.
The latest iteration of regional
integration includes a wider mix of nations including Kenya, Tanzania,
Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, and South Sudan.
The East
African Community from its headquarters in Arusha announced this week
that plans were on track to roll out a single currency by 2024.
A
monetary unified currency union exists as one of the East African
Community’s four pillars, with the other pillars as a customs union,
common market, and political federation.
The customs union and common market concept for a free-trade
zone could be especially useful to Kenya but not all the unnecessary
sub-areas lumped together under it including health harmonisation, etc.
Cross-border
integration is not necessarily helpful. In a monetary union, are we
ready to lose our sovereignty? Are Kenyans ready to give up our
shilling? Are we ready to abandon our fiscal policy and wait on Uganda
and Burundi to decide our tax rates? Do we want to lose our monetary
policy decision power and wait for South Sudan and Tanzania to decide
our interest rates? A resounding answer rings clear: No.
The
Central Bank of Kenya, one of the most effective central banks in the
developing world, would be replaced by an East Africa Central Bank.
Also, tax harmonisation policies would take away Kenya’s ability to
control our fiscal policy.
Even within the European Union and the Euro currency zone, the different countries can still set their independent tax rates.
So why must we have this hyper-aggressive integration here in East Africa?
The
East African Community even intends to unify insurance and microfinance
regulations. Why? Kenya might benefit since Rwanda’s microfinance laws
are more progressive than ours and then our insurance regulations are
more arbitrarily restrictive than other countries. But it seems
nonsensical to unify many sectors even unrelated to the needs of a
currency union itself.
Some sectors may benefit from
more co-operation and harmonisation, such as Lake Victoria fishing or
cross-border transportation. But these stand separate and should be
dealt with and communicated separately than a currency union.
If
Brexit has taught us one thing: sovereignty matters. A big complaint
among citizens of countries in currency unions is the loss of
sovereignty.
The UK was not even in the eurozone currency union but still felt that its integration with the continent was too much.
Across the world, when integrating across cultures, economies, and languages, a myriad of problems emerges.
We
would be locked into a set currency union with much weaker economies
with much less democratic national institutions. It will force countries
into fiscal responsibility by holding treaties limiting the proportions
each nation can borrow.
However, we would want to
battle our economic recessions by loosening our fiscal policy. Each
country exists in different stages in their economic cycles.
Kenya
relies more on the service sector and horticulture, Rwanda and Uganda
more on coffee, Tanzania on mining, and South Sudan relies
overwhelmingly on oil.
So, an economic slump in Burundi
will likely not coincide with an economic slump here in Kenya. But we
would all be forced to abide under the current East African Community
plans to the same fiscal and monetary policy. Nations need similarity
and government discipline to integrate.
By comparison,
note how in the past ten years how the weaker less disciplined economies
of Europe damaged other eurozone economies.
The same
issue would likely happen to us. As the dominant and most diversified
economy in the region, Kenya would play the role in East Africa that
Germany plays in Europe.
debt crisis
Since
Greece’s sovereign debt crisis began in earnest in 2010, Germany spent
billions of euros to prop up the Greek government so it did not default
on its national debt and therefore threaten the euro. Are we willing to
pay billions of shillings to the Ugandan government, as an example, if
it violates the East African Community rules and overborrows?
Inasmuch,
do we trust the other five regional countries to follow government
borrowing rules? If many of our neighbouring regional nations ignore
even their constitutions over the transfer of power, how can we then
trust them not to overborrow that would sink an East African regional
currency and thus harm our Kenyan economy?
The risks
seem too high and the benefits too low. But many commentators point to
the fact that West Africa and Central Africa each retain long-standing
currency unions in existence for decades. But France forced these unions
following colonialism’s official demise and still controls much of the
currency and the required foreign currency reserves.
In
short, integration is not necessarily a good outcome with our
neighbours in the region. Let us integrate some common policies that
directly affect cross-border issues, but we should keep our national
sovereignty and maintain healthy competition with other countries in
East Africa.
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