Editor
Concerns about global debt are heightening from the office of World Bank
President, David Malpass, as the obligations exceeded a $250 trillion
mark in 2019. But critics said it’s an irony, especially from a person
who made his reputation at Bear Stearns of all places—a shop whose
recklessness helped topple Wall Street in 2008.
Malpass later went on to work for a Donald Trump White House
seemingly determined to morph America into Argentina. So, it’s a bit
rich that now that he’s running the World Bank, Malpass, 63, senses the
circles in which he once ran are creating troubles that could make 2008
look quaint. That’s particularly true here in Asia, a region that isn’t
just on its own debt-issuance tear but most on the hook for Trump’s epic
borrowing binge.
Better late than never, I guess. But Malpass isn’t wrong to highlight
the $55 trillion of debt emerging markets from Asia to Latin America
have churned out since the crisis that blew up Bear Stearns—and later
Lehman Brothers.
Worse, those are only the IOUs that have been booked officially as of
the end of 2018. The tally excludes the last 12 months and whatever
off-balance-sheet borrowing vehicles governments have been cooking up.
It’s not just the magnitude of debt, but the haste with which it’s
being amassed. In a new study, the World Bank looks at the four most
notable borrowing-binge episodes involving 100 countries since 1970.
They include Latin America in the 1980s, Asia in the 1990s and the
subprime fiasco of the 2000s. Those three, of course, ended in tears and
financial ruin.
This fourth episode, though, may have the others beat. Since 2010,
the collective debt-to-gross-domestic-product ratios of developing
nations skyrocketed from 54 per cent to at least 168 per cent. “The
size, speed and breadth of the latest debt wave should concern us all,”
Malpass warns.
Now that he’s apparently among the converted, Malpass says the debt
explosion of the last decade “underscores why debt management and
transparency need to be top priorities for policymakers—so they can
increase growth and investment and ensure that the debt they take on
contributes to better development outcomes for the people.”
Fair enough as China’s slows toward the 5 per cent growth range and
governments from Malaysia to India grapple with excessive debt loads.
But Malpass’s real quarrel may be with this former boss a few blocks
away in the White House.
Trump, along with leaders in Europe, Japan and Britain, is doing more
than his fair share of borrowing. In the first half of 2019, global
debt blew past a record $250 trillion—and growing, according to the
Institute for International Finance. While this debt tsunami began prior
to Trump’s presidency, his trade war supercharged things.
A world economy top-heavy with debt is the last thing you want as its
two biggest powers jab each other with tariffs and other barriers. The
same goes for one of those powers (the U.S.) being addicted to the
other’s (China) savings. As Trump pushes Washington’s debt past the $23
trillion mark and annual deficits well above $1 trillion, his team
assumes Beijing will continue to lend it money.
China and Japan, after all, are America’s top bankers, each holding
more than $1 trillion of Treasury securities. All it would take to shake
world markets is for President Xi Jinping’s government to curb dollar
purchases. This makes for a unique risk dynamic between Asia’s smaller
economies and the globe’s biggest.
In October, the International Monetary Fund issued a sobering
warning: about $19 trillion—or nearly 40 per cent—of corporate debt in
major economies could default amid a global downturn. That’s more than
China’s annual $14 trillion of output and rivals America’s $21 trillion.
Such a reckoning would make 2008 look tame by comparison.
The other worry is a dearth of shock-absorbers. Borrowing since then
leaves limited fiscal space to stabilize growth. And central banks from
Washington to Frankfurt to Tokyo are at, or close to, zero. That means
the quantitative-easing rescue that saved the day a decade ago isn’t
available in 2020.None of this means 2020 will see a history-making debt
crash. But the interplay between Trump and Xi raises the odds.
There’s zero chance, for example, that Trump is done with his tariff
arms race. As the ink dries from any “phase one deal” he signs with
President Xi, Trump will be back for more clashes, and not just with
China. Japan, too, is in harm’s way, if Trump’s abusive relationship
with South Korea is any guide.
First Trump demanded that Seoul re-open a trade deal in effect since
2012. President Moon Jae-in did just that, agreeing to allow Detroit to
send more automobiles to Asia’s No. 4 economy. Now Trump is shaking
Moon’s administration down for more protection money—demanding a 400 per
cent increase in what Korea pays for U.S. troops stationed on the
peninsula.
Shinzo Abe’s Japan will be next. With impeachment risks increasing
and the November election approaching, Trump has few, if any,
legislative levers to excite his base. He’s also miffed that markets
ignored the bilateral deal struck with Prime Minister Abe. Hence Trump’s
desire for a “phase two” process with Tokyo, one that includes the risk
of 25 per cent taxes on cars and auto parts. Japan, meantime, hosts
twice as many U.S. troops are Korea.
Yet China’s debt buildup is its own clear and present danger. It’s
$30 trillion pile of credit and general opacity mean that when China
does hit a wall—as all industrializing nations do—it will appear to come
out of nowhere. Just as Malpass and his Wall Street ilk found a decade
ago.The thing about unsustainable debt episodes is that at some point
the reckoning comes, invariably and suddenly. We can debate whether it
will arrive in 2020. Less in dispute is that $250 trillion of debt
leaves economies huge and small on a knife’s edge at the worst possible
moment.
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