Surveys of
communities around Tanzania's large-scale mines reveal widespread
feelings of distrust, marginalisation and reports of violations.
For many developing
countries, industrial mining is a key source of foreign direct
investment, export earnings, technology transfer and infrastructure
development. Yet, in numerous cases, mining has not
only failed to spur
sustainable economic development but brought harm to people and the
environment. This has led to growing opposition to mining and prompted
authorities to rethink their laws and policies.
In Tanzania, the
government has rather aggressively sought to improve mining's
contribution in recent years by asserting control over the sector. This
has involved hiking taxes, exacting higher government stakes in
projects, imposing huge fines for non-compliance, banning the export of
mineral concentrates and removing the right of international
arbitration. Some have characterised its actions as a "crackdown" on
mining companies or even as "economic warfare".
In this debate,
however, the focus has been on macro-economic factors such as tax
revenue and foreign direct investment. As is typical, much less
attention has been paid to the impact of mining on local development in
the often impoverished rural areas where companies operate and leave
their largest footprint.
To bring the voices
of local communities to the centre of this debate, research institute
IPIS conducted surveys in 32 villages in northwest Tanzania. These
communities are predominantly rural and rely on farming, livestock,
commerce, and artisanal and small-scale mining for their livelihoods.
They live close by
to six large industrial mines. Four of those sites jointly account for
the bulk of Tanzania's gold and diamond exports and employ over 8,000
people. They are run respectively by the multinationals AngloGold
Ashanti, Petra Diamonds, and Acacia Mining, which was just recently
taken over by the world's largest gold miner Barrick Gold. The remaining
two mines are medium-scale and have a few hundred employees each. One
is Tanzania-owned; the other is a Tanzanian-Chinese partnership.
Parallel lives
The surveys of
communities in northwest Tanzania revealed huge contrasts between the
sophisticated industrial operations and the often impoverished groups
that surround them. They also highlighted the high expectations
communities have that mining companies will alleviate their deprivation.
In three-quarters of villages, participants cited companies'
contributions to local projects that address basic needs as their main
positive impact. In 2017, for instance, Acacia and AngloGold Ashanti
spent over $8.5 million on community projects. Yet respondents' answers
also suggested that this has proven insufficient for companies to build
trust and acceptance.
One way in which
firms could do this is to embed more fully in the local economy. At
present, regulations push companies to hire Tanzanian staff and source
goods and services in-country. But this hardly benefits those living
nearby these mines. Locals tend to lack the necessary skills and
capacities to cater for the needs of these sophisticated operations. Of
the roughly 22,000 residents in the surveyed communities, just 100-200
are estimated to be directly employed by the mining companies. If we
include indirect job creation through subcontracting in security,
cleaning, construction, maintenance and catering services, the number
rises to 1,000.
Most large-scale
mines also operate as fairly isolated entities with few opportunities
for interaction with locals. Multinationals, in particular, tend to have
most facilities on-site and their staff hardly ever leaves their
compounds. This sense of seclusion is physically and psychologically
reinforced by the building of ever more walls around their operations.
The picture painted
by the surveys therefore is one in which companies have failed to
manage community expectations, counter disinformation and create mutual
understanding. Moreover, their focus on charity rather than engagement
has given rise to over-dependence, which risks absolving local
authorities of their responsibilities. In the surveyed communities,
several donated items such water pumps and electricity generators had
broken down and were gathering dust as nobody in the village had the
means or skills to repair them.
Violence and violations
The lack of
engagement between companies and communities risks exacerbating
long-standing feelings of marginalisation. For locals, the arrival of
industrial miners has not only threatened their ability to mine minerals
themselves, but has hindered their access to land previously used for
farming, pasture, fetching water or collecting firewood.
Relations have also
sometimes led to conflict. Communities reported a range of harms they
associate with nearby mining companies, including allegations of serious
human rights violations. Most concerning were reports, in over half of
all surveyed villages, of excessive force used by private security
companies and police officers against locals trespassing on mining
concessions. Some locals conveyed testimonies of beatings, shootings and
sexual violence that had led to life-changing injuries, disability and
death. Other reported violations included water, soil, air and noise
pollution as well as unease and property damage caused by vibrations
from drilling, blasting and truck traffic.
While there are
differences between companies, there is a shared sentiment across all
surveyed communities that corporate accountability and redress is low.
Numerous locals said they struggle to report grievances to companies or
seek remediation through legal avenues. This is problematic as
unresolved harms typically raise tensions and create a downward spiral
of distrust and conflict.
The local perspective
The debate on
mining is usually focused on the industry's contribution to national
revenue and the few discussions on local impact tend to be restricted to
corporate social responsibility (CSR). Adding a local perspective,
however, reveals a great deal about the level of popular support for
mining as well as shortcomings in the current corporate, policy and
legal approaches.
The surveys show
that companies need to work hard to win trust from local communities and
gain a so-called "social licence to operate". In doing so, they will
need support from national and local government authorities in the form
of clear and coordinated guidance. Authorities need to facilitate
engagement and create a level playing field among companies. Communities
and their leaders also need to take responsibility in setting
appropriate expectations and making the most of the opportunities
offered by industrial mining.
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