The Sudanese Professional Association (SPA)
that is leading Sudan’s civil protests, now entering
their seventh
month, was officially established in August 2013 after surviving
attempts by security agents to kill it since 2010.
Five
years later, however, it has evolved into a well-organised behemoth
with a governance structure encompassing specialist committees and
professionals. The committees mainly comprise doctors, schoolteachers,
university lecturers, journalists and lawyers.
When
the association started agitating against the economic hardships
brought on by the lifting of subsidies on fuel, bread, electricity and
other essential commodities — as the government sought to compensate for
loss of revenue from Juba’s oil — it found a ready appeal among the
masses. It also employed stealth to spread its message by operating
below the radar of security agents.
Sudanese
political analyst Altybe Zain Alabdin says that the SPA operated as an
underground organisation for months to avoid detection by security
agents and used social media effectively.
“The
SPA has blended the tactics of traditional Sudanese trade unions and
new tools of social media and digital security. This is how it has
succeeded in concealing its intentions while reaching the people so
well,” Zain Alabdin explained.
However,
the professor of genetics at Khartoum University says the revolution
will take time to succeed because the deep state — security agents,
Bashir diehards and militias — control the majority of vital public
institutions in the country.
One of the SPA founders Muntasir Altybe said
that the assault on protesters at the military headquarters on June 3
will have far-reaching consequences as the revolution will continue
until justice is seen to be done.
Sudanese
political expert Alhaj Hamad points out: “The large scale violence that
happened in Khartoum is threatening the people who monopolised the
privilege of the country for a long time. Sudan is now occupied by
militias as a result of the 30 years of injustice under Bashir.’’
He
warned that Sudan may go the way of failed states like Somalia and
Yemen as the Transitional Military Council’s sponsoring militias to help
it hold on to power. The military argues that the quick return to
civilian rule could lead to anarchy given the many competing interests
in different parts of the country.
Its
argument has been somewhat strengthened by the SPA’s own failings. A
scholar at the Rift Valley Institute, Magdi Al-Gizouli, believes that
the SPA and the opposition alliance of the Alliance for Freedom and
Change erred in accepting a negotiated solution as it helped the
military and others forces opposed to civilian rule to regroup.
“They
should not have accepted the negotiation and the participation of the
army in the transitional government,” he pointed out. That has left
Sudan torn between forces out to preserve their privilege (the military)
and those who want radical change.
“The
military and the deep state have strong regional and international
allies also seeking a soft landing for the former regime. Unless the
revolutionary forces reawaken, the narrow chance for democracy in Sudan
will be lost,” he said.
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