Kenya’s rapid transformation into a digital economy has given rise to businesses that are purely online.
There
is this lady — let’s call her Susan. She buys and sells goods and
services using online platforms such as Amazon and eBay. The
transactions are being facilitated by payment gateways such as PayPal or
digital currencies like Bitcoin.
The marketing of her
wares takes place on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. The business has
few, or no tangible assets as Susan is making the most of shared
services hosted on cloud platforms.
Whenever she
requires technical or additional help, ready remote international
manpower is available on LinkedIn or the multitude of online service
marketplaces such as Guru, Fiverr and Elance, where she also offers her
services internationally in return.
In 2017, she can
even outsource customer service, not to humans, but to bots. Susan no
longer subscribes to local pay TV packages and instead prefers bespoke
online video-on-demand services such as Netflix.
Her
vast music collection is sourced from online streaming too. But is Susan
and her business really paying their fair share of income tax to the
Kenyan government?
How about VAT and the other
pertinent tax heads? Is the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) netting tax
from all the platforms that serve Susan’s business but are domiciled
elsewhere? Are the other parties she is transacting with online
capturing the taxes appropriately in the other jurisdictions?
This is a conundrum that the KRA’s 2017 Tax Summit sought to
address. The proliferation of the digital economy businesses is
presenting a challenge to tax authorities the world over who are, more
than ever, under pressure to ramp up revenue collection and guarantee
quality public services.
The growing digital economy
is invalidating traditional business models and modes of tax collection.
Savvy digital players are taking advantage of the mobility and
intangibility of digital goods and services to avoid tax and create an
uneven playing field that is hurting competitors who are running
traditional brick-and-mortar businesses and complying with traditional
tax models.
Traditional tax systems are typically
designed to tax sales of goods or services at a clear-cut point of sale,
and corporate and individual income earned in a clearly identifiable
jurisdiction. They address questions of what is being taxed, where it is
being taxed and what the taxable value is, while striving to maintain
the good taxation canons of simplicity, certainty and fairness.
In
light of this digital challenge, there is a global initiative to plug
the tax leakages posed by the digital space and ensure full and
correctly captured taxation.
In 2012, the G-20 group
of nations tasked the Paris-based Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) to study possible reforms to the global tax
codes — specifically to deal with the challenge of base erosion and
profit shifting (BEPS).
An OECD BEPS report in October
2015 took the first steps to formally suggest to governments modes of
taxing the digital economy. The report is quick to acknowledge that
exclusive rules for the digital economy are untenable, as this economy
cannot be treated in isolation. It “is increasingly becoming the economy
itself.”
BEPS aggressive tax planning opportunities
identified thus far in the digital space include minimising taxation in
the market (source) country through reducing functions, assets and risks
or avoidance of a taxable presence by contractually allocating risk and
legal ownership of intangibles, or shifting profits and maximising
deductions in the case of a taxable presence.
There is
also a reduction or elimination of withholding tax at source. Through
low-tax jurisdictions, preferential regimes, or hybrid mismatch
arrangements, there is a reduction or elimination of taxation at the
level of the recipient, achieved with entitlement to substantial
non-routine profits often built up via intra-group arrangements.
Ultimately,
there is an elimination of current taxation of low-tax profits at the
level of a parent company. In the context of indirect taxes such as VAT,
the BEPS planning opportunities identified include remotely supplying
digital goods and services to VAT-exempt businesses and the remote
supply of digital goods and services to a centralised location for
resupply within a multinational group that is not subject to VAT.
In
its report, the OECD recommends a number of options for addressing
digital economy taxation. The list includes changing a controlled
foreign company (CFC) rules, updating transfer pricing guidelines,
clearer definitions of what is a permanent establishment (a taxable
presence) and rules for indirect taxes for certain digital transactions.
Tax
authorities, the KRA included, are therefore in the throes of working
out modalities of addressing these concerns. Developments are being
reviewed and analysed in the context of local taxation laws as they
continue to be fine-tuned through international collaboration.
If managed well, digital taxation will definitely lead to increased revenue collection, which is an upside for governments.
Individuals
and entities operating in the digital space should therefore consider
paying more attention to these developments as they unravel, to ensure
that they mitigate against any tax exposures, both in Kenya and across
the borders.
Ndegwa is a Tax & Business Advisor at Anchinga & Associates. RNdegwa@pna.co.ke
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