Tanzania's President John Magufuli. FILE PHOTO | DANIEL HAYDUK AFP
Rwanda and Kenya’s elections are just around the corner.
The Rwandans do their thing on August 4, and Kenya goes to the polls on August 8.
I cannot remember the last time two East African nations held elections that close.
As
is the custom, at this point all reporting is on which candidates have
been rigged out and whether, particularly in Kenya’s case, the vote will
be peaceful and honest. And if it is stolen, which candidate will be
the thief, and so on.
But for all the excitement and
drama, the two most important East African election events of the past
15 years happened in Kenya in 2002, and in Tanzania in July 2015.
And, while happening during the election season, they occurred before the vote.
After
23 years in power, in 2002 Kenya’s then-president Daniel arap Moi
decided to step down from power. The gruff, iron-fisted Moi was thought
not to have even a drop of democratic blood in his veins, but was
reputed to have a very good nose for the scent of the times.
Moi’s
time, and that of the Independence party Kanu, was really up. The
economy was in a shambles, the country was restless and rebellious, and
the Nairobi regime was a semi-pariah.
What
distinguished Moi, and Kenyan politics in general – unlike, say, Paul
Biya in Cameroon or Robert Mugabe – is that he responded to the demands
of the time and did the right thing.
President Uhuru
Kenyatta, then standing as Moi’s successor, lost the election. The
winner, Mwai Kibaki, and his party NARC, were the very opposite of Moi
and Kanu.
Kibaki had an aloof aristocratic air about
him, was boring, wonkish and, while he took care of his buddies, had a
knack of picking competent men and women to run parts of the government
where they were most needed. Unlike the closely run Kanu, his NARC was a
wonderfully chaotic, ungovernable coalition of a gaggle of parties.
We didn’t see Magufuli
It
was a remarkable electoral outcome. It was what Kenya needed, while
still being a product of a largely ordinary electoral process. It also
led to what has turned out to be the first conventional death of an
Independence party in East Africa through natural political decay, not a
coup or a revolutionary decapitation. That rarely happens.
In
July 2015, Tanzania’s ruling party CCM nominated John Magufuli to be
its flagbearer. The rest of East Africa collectively asked; “Magu who?”
Even from outside Tanzania, it had always been the case that you could see the next party leader coming. We didn’t see Magufuli.
By
that point, the Tanzanian state’s image had been tainted by years of
corruption, and CCM was seen to be in decline, ailing from the same rot
that plagued the government.
Magufuli has restored some
credibility to the state, and is not seen as part of the corruption
network. In this respect, the CCM nomination produced the perfect
candidate the country needed.
But Magufuli is also
provincial, and has turned out to be the kind of petty autocrat that
seemed to have fallen out of fashion in Tanzania. It’s not yet clear how
that will affect CCM.
However, his emergence was still pivotal. In 2015, CCM was like the hyena that gave birth to a panther.
Charles Onyango-Obbo is publisher of data visualiser Africapaedia and Rogue Chiefs. Twitter@cobbo3
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