By Charles Onyango-Obbo
In Summary
- Chaos is instrumental. It helps incumbent parties to cheat. Honest voters get put off, or scared, and when they leave their names are ticked and a ghost casts their ballot
This past week, there were two elections in East Africa.
There were the bigger and more headline-making presidential and
parliamentary elections in Tanzania.
And then there were the primary elections of Uganda’s ruling
National Resistance Movement, ahead of the vote scheduled early next
year.
We shall not talk much about outcomes, although in Tanzania the
opposition has cried foul, and rejected the results, which declared the
long-ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi’s until recently little known John Pombe
Magufuli the winner.
The election in Tanzania delivered an East African record,
though. In the past 30 years, Tanzania has changed leaders through
elections more than the rest of the East African Community states
combined have done over the same period.
However, this time the elections in Zanzibar were cancelled,
because the electoral commission deemed them to have been a fiasco. It
claimed there was heavy double voting, party agents/observers were
kicked out of polling stations, and members of the semi-autonomous
Isles’ electoral commission were pulling in different directions and
frequently their differences degenerated into fist fights.
In that sense, it was like the NRM primaries in Uganda. They
were probably the most chaotic primaries held in East Africa, so much so
that party chief President Yoweri Museveni chided members and said they
had a poor democratic culture.
A record number of party bigwigs were felled in the NRM
primaries, as indeed were ministers and party veterans defeated in
Tanzania’s parliamentary vote, so something positive happened there.
But if the chaos with the biometric kits in the Kenya election
of 2013, and the madness of its primaries is added in, we are really
hopeless at organising elections — even at village level. It raises the
issue of how a party that can’t organise an election at ward level, can
run a country once it is in power.
However, the deeper question is why this chaos happens. There is
the racist-tinged view that it represents the wider problem Africans in
general have organising things.
But that is nonsense, because a government that appoints an
incompetent electoral commission will still put on a sleek presidential
inauguration after the vote.
The more respectable argument is that chaos is instrumental. It
helps incumbent parties to cheat. Honest voters get put off, or scared,
and when they leave their names are ticked and a ghost casts their
ballots.
But again, this falls short, because the best way to rig an
election is with efficiency, and a veneer of legality, because the
legitimacy of the outcome is less likely to be contested.
We therefore need to look at the possibility that there is an
almost independent patronage industry around our elections. Magufuli,
for example, will reward his campaign managers and CCM functionaries who
worked to deliver victory for him.
But if those were the only people who “ate,” they would be too
few. So there will also be those who get a seat on the table because
either they prevented his votes from being stolen, or miraculously
conjured up votes in opposition strongholds.
Charles Onyango-Obbo is editor of Mail & Guardian Africa (mgafrica.com). Twitter@cobbo3
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