Any commentary on the budget proposals and the policy statement
issued to Parliament a fortnight ago, it would seem, is stale news.
After
another year of expanded spending, the proper question to ask is how
else the Sh2.25 trillion could have been spent, so I describe here how I
would allocate the same amount that Parliament approved.
There
exists an impression that the budget allocations were not tightly
distributed. In my opinion, the Cabinet secretary succumbed to political
pressure to distribute slices of the spending to too many programmes
and activities.
The alternative would have been to
hand over any programme or project costing less than Sh10 billion to a
private firm to execute, after being chosen through a competitive
process.
For example, Parliament approved Sh9 billion
for orphans and vulnerable children to be run through State departments
and ministries. Such a task would be best accomplished by a financial
institution that would manage the payments, verify the identity of
recipients and present reports and audits for verification.
To
ensure efficient management, I would simply issue the criteria and list
of existing recipients and impose a maximum administration cost for the
facility.
This arrangement builds the capacity of
existing non-state institutions to compete and provide these services on
behalf of the State.
This imagined Cabinet secretary would then confront the admitted problem of ghost workers and the rising wage bill.
Analysis
conducted by the Institute of Economic Affairs shows the Executive arm
of government will spend 65 per cent of all allocated spending.
During
the financial year that is about to end, a census in the Public Service
revealed that the exact number of workers in the public service is not
known. A substantial amount of public money is lost through payment of
salaries for more than ten thousand non-existent workers.
This
means that the overall payroll of the public sector has not been
thoroughly audited. One way for doing this is to privatise the payroll
by allowing an external firm to manage the payroll on the government’s
behalf.
Stopping payment for ghost workers would save substantial funds that may be dedicated to other important purposes.
Publicly-funded
education, another relevant policy area, has benefited considerably
from government resources. Judging from the published assessments of
student performance, teachers, arguably, appropriate most of this
spending through wages and a very easy working environment.
This
leads to the view that public education in primary and secondary
schools is an efficient mechanism for rewarding teachers, with students
damned to poor quality instruction. This model should change.
In
an alternative model, the modest increments that have been allocated to
free primary and secondary education subsidies would be handed to the
students by an electronic voucher, with every pupil’s registration
number embedded in it.
Schools would have to convince
the guardians of these children that they are worthy of that payment.
Granted, this would not immediately make results improve, but the
schools would have to convince guardians that they provide good value
for the funds and teachers that they receive.
This would shake up schools from the demand side, as opposed to the supply side of teachers and head teachers.
Keeping
with the spending on education, while it seems the “laptop per child”
policy has been evolving, it is not necessarily now a good idea. I
remain convinced that it will prove to be an expensive mistake that will
be difficult to unwind.
So the imagined Cabinet
secretary would provide a choice to parents to either receive that grant
in cash form and spend it on an item related to the child’s education,
or for nutrition for the child.
My rough calculation is that it would come to close to Sh2,000 per primary school child per year.
Continuing
with the theme of harnessing the role of markets in achieving
improvement in welfare and preserving citizen choice, I could also
dedicate the “laptop” money to a savings account for each child
throughout the schooling years.
This modest amount
would be saved in the name of each student with the provision that they
may collect it together with the compounded interest upon completion of
high school.
The student might use it to support their
education at tertiary level or for other legitimate spending, and it
would also form an important incentive for a student to stay in school
in anticipation of the reward.
Despite the fact that
public spending in Kenya has moved rapidly from hundreds of billions
into trillions within four years, its greatest weakness is the absence
of policy creativity in allocating it.
These ideas
present changes that would ensure public spending supports real private
sector growth and development, and economic competition.
Kwame
Owino is the Chief Executive Officer of the Institute of Economic
Affairs (IEA-Kenya), a public policy think tank based in Nairobi.
Twitter: @IEAKwam
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