Opinion and Analysis
By JAINDI KISERO, jkisero@ke.nationmedia.com
I gather that a team from the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) is in town to review the performance of the government under
conditions attached to a “blended stand-by arrangement”, which we
signed with them several months ago.
There was a time when the visit of an IMF mission to Kenya
would make the headlines of daily newspapers. These days, however, IMF
officials visit Nairobi and leave town without scant mention in the
Press.
It is a reflection of the diminishing political influence of the Bretton Woods institution in the political economy of Kenya.
We tried all those structural adjustment policies
in the Daniel arap Moi years when we were more or less in an IMF-imposed
economic straitjacket, forced to implement conditions that turned out
to be ineffective in terms of stimulating growth.
Indeed, if there was a big lesson we learnt from
the Moi years, it was that short-term techniques of managing economic
difficulties – spending cuts, monetary tightening and privatisation –
could not kick-start growth.
We learnt the hard way that while cutting
expenditure made sense in terms of text book economics, it also led to
reduction in vaccination programmes, more polluted water supplies, which
in turn allowed diseases to spread much faster. It caused the
collapse of rural agricultural extension programmes.
Public spending cuts also led to mass redundancies and to the death of subsidised fertiliser programmes.
Indeed, this economy only started registering
growth when Mwai Kibaki came to the scene with his policies of massive
government spending on infrastructure – supported by cheap credit and
heavy borrowing.
The impact on the macro economy was immediate.
Unprecedented high tax collections by the Kenya Revenue Authority,
rising share and property prices and phenomenal growth in the financial
services sector.
By 2007, the economy under Kibaki had produced a
seven per cent GDP growth rate. President Uhuru Kenyatta has more or
less adopted the principles of Kibakinomics.
But the riddle is that even with low oil prices,
the policies of the Jubilee government are not producing the kick-start
to the economy that we had anticipated.
Indeed, it would appear that the key survival
mechanisms of the Kibaki years – high infrastructure spending and credit
expansion – are now becoming relatively exhausted.
While heavy government borrowing worked under
Kibaki, we are at a point where more spending by the government is now
beginning to cause debt management problems.
Indeed, the cost of servicing domestic debt has
increased unprecedentedly. And, with a depreciating exchange rate, the
cost of servicing the Euro bond we contracted last year is bound to
cause even more pressure.
On the external front, we have a burgeoning
external account gap that has served to keep our currency permanently
under pressure.
Methinks that the massive expansion of the political sector, a much bigger National Assembly, a completely new Senate, big spending governors and county assemblies are part of the problem.
Methinks that the massive expansion of the political sector, a much bigger National Assembly, a completely new Senate, big spending governors and county assemblies are part of the problem.
The rapid expansion of the budgets of the Judiciary,
Parliament and the mushrooming constitutional offices have shifted the
balance of public expenditure from development spending to consumption.
In the private sector, we are not seeing more
risk-taking entrepreneurship. Indeed, today’s high property prices and
the huge profits being made in the financial sector are but a reflection
of a growing culture of risk aversion.
You still see reluctance by companies to go to
capital markets to raise long term debt or even share capital for
investment. Which brings me back to the IMF mission. I have not seen
their agenda.
But I am sure that they will push the government to
drop the Sovereign Wealth Fund Bill that was produced by the Abdikadir
Mohamed -led parastatal reform committee.
They will also put pressure on the committee to
drop the idea of the proposed Government Investment Corporation. They
will also push for faster implementation of the capital gains tax.
I don’t think that they will agree with the Treasury on the revenue projections on the programme budget.
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