By ANZETSE WERE Special Correspondent
In Summary
- It seems as though African government are courting this new-found attention and perhaps entering into more agreements than advisable. Eurobonding seems to be trendy in Africa.
- Africa risks becoming overleveraged.
- Despite immense optimism about Africa, it is still a poorly understood market, considered a high-risk venture and, therefore, vulnerable to negative hype. That can push it back to being the investment pariah.
When Kenya launched its debut Eurobond, it secured bids worth $8 billion but announced it would accept $2 billion.
The Kenyan Eurobond is a big deal because it is
the largest ever debut for an African country as international sovereign
bonds continue gaining popularity in African countries.
Sub-Saharan Africa issued a record $4.6 billion in
2013 in sovereign bonds (five per cent of developing country
sovereign-bond issues), from zero in 2010.
Thirteen other countries besides Kenya have issued
Eurobonds so far: South Africa, the Seychelles, Republic of Congo, Côte
d’Ivoire, Ghana, Gabon, Senegal, Nigeria, Namibia, Zambia, Tanzania,
Rwanda and Mozambique.
But there are four core questions to ask here: Why
are international sovereign bonds becoming so attractive for African
governments? Why are the African bonds so well received in global
markets? What are the risks and challenges? Can they change the way
African governments manage public funds?
A key reason for the attractiveness is that
countries need the money. Africa’s development needs such as electricity
generation and distribution, roads, airports, ports and railroads
require money.
Funds raised through Eurobonds are an effective
means of financing such infrastructure projects, which often require
resources in excess of aid flows and domestic savings.
In addition, sovereign bonds give governments more
autonomy. Foreign aid and funding from multilateral institutions as
well as development financing institutions come with conditions, as do
funds from unilateral agreements with other governments. They give
governments more choice and negotiation power to define how the funds
will be used.
African governments are also using the bonds to
restructure their debt. Kenya seems to be among those employing this
strategy: Part of the Eurobond will be used to “retire a $600 million
[Sh52.2 billion] syndicated loan.” Four other African countries —
Seychelles, Gabon, Republic of Congo and Côte d’Ivoire — issued similar
bonds in the context of debt restructuring.
Another key reason is that they help to reduce
pressure on credit in domestic markets. In Kenya, a failure with the
issue would not have augured well for domestic borrowers as the
government would have crowded out individual and corporate consumers.
In issuing Eurobonds, therefore, African
governments leave the credit space more open, allowing more businesses
and individuals to access credit and, in doing so, support domestic
investment and growth.
Countries also issue the bonds to diversify their
sources of capital and reduce reliance on bank financing from abroad and
official financing. Bonds also allow governments to reduce budgetary
deficits in an environment in which donors are not willing to increase
their overseas development assistance.
Ability to repay
Another reason is reduced debt. The Highly
Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative and Multilateral Debt Relief
Initiative (MDRI) significantly reduced the debt of African countries.
In fact, multilateral creditors, bilateral aid organisations,
export credit agencies and private creditors have delivered about $100
billion of debt relief to African economies since 2000, allowing them to
“borrow in international markets without straining their ability to
repay.”
Africa is operating in a context of easy global
financial conditions due to “record low interest rates in developed
markets and ample liquidity.” As a result, Sub-Saharan African countries
have been able to borrow at “historically low yields.”
The bonds also give African states the opportunity
to develop a benchmark for pricing other government and corporate bond
markets in the international arena. They can use insights gained in
international bond issues to develop subnational (for instance,
parastatal) and corporate bonds, thereby enhancing African access to
international capital markets.
Finally, a successful bond issue signals approval
of a country’s current and planned economic policies and would provide
grounds on which governments can rationalise economic and development
plans to local and international parties.
But while African governments have valid reasons
for issuing sovereign bonds, a nagging question is why these bonds are
being so well received in global markets.
Investors looking for high bond yields are
increasingly buying African sovereign debt because it offers exposure to
growing economies with a better return than they would receive in more
developed markets.
The world is looking at Africa and becoming
increasingly interested in investing in the continent partly because of
its robust GDP growth rates and considerable resilience to financial
shocks.
Africa grew at an estimated four per cent in 2013
and is expected to hit 4.7 per cent this year. This compares well with
2.5 per cent for the United States, Western Europe (1.5 per cent),
Brazil (3.0 per cent) and Russia (2.9 per cent).
These figures strengthen investors’ appetites for
African offerings. African countries rated by either Moody’s, Fitch or
Standard & Poor’s increased to 21 from 10 in 2003. Credit ratings
make it easier to sell the country and related offerings.
Africa’s limited exposure to international capital
markets provides an opportunity for investors to make deals on the
continent through instruments such as international sovereign bonds that
carry relatively low risk. Indeed, Moody’s predicts “significant
potential in Africa for increasing the use of international capital
markets.”
There are possibilities for healthy profits by
increasing African exposure to capital markets and foreign investors are
aware of this (risks notwithstanding).
But does real danger lurk behind the glitter? What are the risks and challenges for issuing the bonds?
African governments are issuing the bonds in an
environment where record low interest rates prevail in the US and more
developed markets. Yield hunting has brought investors to Africa’s door
but there are fears that when global interest rates increase and
concerns about the global financial crisis abate, governments in
Sub-Saharan Africa will have to compete with other issuers for funding.
The governments seem to be cognisant of this,
which may lead to over-issuing in order to seize the moment. Further,
there is an air of optimism around Africa and the world is beginning to
look at the continent as a truly viable member of the global economy.
It seems as though African government are courting
this new-found attention and perhaps entering into more agreements than
advisable. Eurobonding seems to be trendy in Africa with one
commentator stating: “Eurobonds have become like stock exchanges,
private jets and presidential palaces. Every African leader wants to
have one.”
EAD: Africa rushes to borrow decade after debt relief
EAD: Africa rushes to borrow decade after debt relief
Shortsighted
I therefore echo Stiglitz’s concerns about
Africa’s Eurobond spree when he asks: “Are shortsighted financial
markets, working with shortsighted governments, laying the groundwork
for the world’s next debt crisis?”
If so, Africa will be affected far more
significantly this time around, not least because of the manner in which
Eurobonds are integrating African economies into the global financial
system. The current conditions spiral into several other risks.
This environment may make Africa over-borrow for
it is relatively easy to get the money. But the IMF is of the opinion
that “the rates at which Sub-Saharan African countries are borrowing on
the international markets are not sustainable.”
The rates they are getting are probably
“unsustainable in the long run unless these countries are able to
generate high and sustainable economic growth and further reduce
macroeconomic volatility.” Africa risks becoming overleveraged.
Linked to these is debt sustainability, or rather,
the lack thereof. Prior to the Eurobond (as of March), Kenya’s
debt-to-GDP ratio stood at 52.2 per cent.
Kenya has gone ahead with the issue despite the
fact that in the same month the IMF and the World Bank “raised the red
flag over Kenya’s debt,” specifically suggesting that “the debt ratio be
kept at not more than 50 per cent of GDP.”
The Eurobond exacerbates Kenya’s debt burden and
deepens sustainability concerns. The institutions are warning that,
after a spate of debt forgiveness, “many countries’ debt levels are
creeping up again, which could undermine the region’s growth boom.”
For example, if Ghana, Uganda, Mozambique,
Senegal, Niger, Malawi and Benin “continue to borrow at current rates,
their debt indicators could be back to pre-[debt] relief levels within a
decade.” Eurobonding is risky behaviour.
Another danger is defaulting. The scale of funds
that the governments are accessing via Eurobonds — which have more
stringent conditions than concessional loans — are actually predicated
on robust growth of the borrowing economies in order to raise the
capital required to meet maturity deadlines.
No one can guarantee robust growth and, therefore,
defaulting is a real risk. In fact, African countries have already
defaulted on Eurobonds.
The Seychelles defaulted on a $230 million
Eurobond in October 2008. Due to election disputes, Côte d’Ivoire missed
a $29 million interest payment, leading to a default in 2011 on a bond
issued in 2010.
Ghana and Gabon are struggling to find money for a
$750 million and $1 billion bond, respectively, on 10-year Eurobonds
that will reach maturity in 2017.
There is also the problem of poor project selection.
Infrastructure projects have usually seen a key element of the
activities to be funded by Eurobonds due to their multiplier effects on
the economy and the fact that African infrastructure needs are dire.
However, there is no guarantee that the specific projects selected are the best candidates for such finances.
Indeed, the IMF argues that due to factors such as
limited administrative capacity, low efficiency of public investment
expenditure and governance issues, “there is a risk that increased
public spending or investment projects financed by bond issuance may be
poorly selected or executed and therefore would not render value for
money.”
Anyone familiar with the African political scene
knows that sometimes flagship projects are selected for political
currency rather than economic or developmental return, or the prestige
enhancement and legacy effect they will confer on leaders and not their
prudence and pragmatism. Are the governments choosing the
Eurobond-financed projects wisely?
Poor implementation of the projects is a serious
risk because “there are carry costs for not using proceeds and these are
greatest when there are delays in projects.” This thought makes one
shudder given the ongoing debacle in the Kenyan government’s management
of the standard gauge railway (SGR) project that, if well handled, could
provide proof of competent management of funds for infrastructure
development. It seems to be proving the opposite.
Rollover risk
Sadly, in response to the Kenya 2014/15 budget —
in which the Eurobond was incorporated — PricewaterhouseCoopers stated
that the projects planned by the government have inherent risks that
“relate to time and cost overruns. These will require significant
upgrades in technical, legal and institutional frameworks to manage and
control the delivery of the investments.”
If governments do not address such concerns,
projects will be implemented poorly, which may cause the bonds to mature
before the projects are completed, in which case governments may have
to roll over the debt.
Given the implementation risk and the possibility
that planned projects may develop significant delays, rollover risk is
very real.
Rollover risk is “a risk associated with the
refinancing of debt commonly faced by countries [and companies] when
their debt is about to mature and needs to be rolled over into new debt.
If interest rates rise adversely, they would have to refinance their
debt at a higher rate and incur more interest charges in the future.”
Bear in mind that, in case of Kenya’s Eurobond,
the five-year tranche matures in 2019 and the 10-year one in 2024. These
are tight deadlines given the delays infrastructure projects are
experiencing. Kenya’s SGR project was due to start in November last
year, yet no work has begun. That is an eight-month delay with no
resolution in sight. Rollover risk is real.
Rollovers happen if investors are of the opinion
that the borrower is capable of meeting the new terms and deadlines.
Africa doesn’t have this luxury.
Despite immense optimism about Africa, it is still
a poorly understood market, considered a high-risk venture and,
therefore, vulnerable to negative hype. That can push it back to being
the investment pariah.
Africa’s perception risk is of particular concern
given that “negative or inaccurate international market perceptions
about a sovereign issuer’s economy may develop due to a lack of
comprehensive and timely information on the pursuit of appropriate
policies, fears of instability stemming from political developments and
unfavourable interpretations of economic or political pronouncements.”
When African economies suffer from internal political
instability or terrorist attacks, these are prominently covered and
sensationalised in local and global media and create negative global
perceptions of Africa. This then undermines its “ability to secure
access to international capital markets on a sustained basis, thus
significantly increasing refinancing risk.”
Also, if Africa’s economies begin to weaken
significantly as more developed markets recover, international markets
may not be inclined to refinance, thereby forcing Africa to service the
debt by cutting government spending in areas such as health, education
and agriculture.
With a debt on the scale of the Eurobond, how much spending will have to be cut? It makes one shudder.
Another obvious risk is currency depreciation:
Debt in foreign denominations may have to be paid when the borrower’s
currency is weaker.
Interestingly, the opposite scenario is also a
risk because like “other forms of capital flows, international bond
financing has potential repercussions for exchange rate policy” since a
shift to larger foreign financing “potentially implies appreciation
pressure for the domestic currency [depending on the import content of
the associated spending].” This may harm export competitiveness, a
concern for African countries that need healthy exports to service
foreign currency debt.
Kenyan media reported that in one of the Eurobond
pitch documents: “The Treasury stated, as a key risk, that the informal
economy is not recorded and is only partially taxed, resulting in a lack
of revenue for the government, ineffective regulation, unreliability of
statistical information and inability to monitor or otherwise regulate a
large portion of the economy.”
So the government has handicapped revenue
generation capacity linked to widespread economic informalisation (a
long-term problem) yet the bond will mature well before the issue is
resolved.
This is a simple illustration of how even
acknowledged weaknesses in the economic infrastructure of African
governments still carry real risks.
Willingness to accept debt at higher rates than in
other financing packages may reduce access to low-interest vehicles
like concessional deals, particularly if Eurobonds “generate new
macrofinancial and debt vulnerabilities.”
All the above risks exist even if the funds raised
are used responsibly. There may be delays in projects and low levels of
competence but the assumption is that no one is trying to steal and
engage in corruption.
Yet the monstrosity called corruption is a
trademark of African governments and competent public debt management is
not in place in many countries.
So there are real and present dangers in Africa’s
love affair with Eurobonds. The natural question then becomes how the
governments can manage all these risks, and opinions will vary on how to
mitigate each of them.
Some may argue that many of the risks are
unavoidable and part and parcel of getting into Eurobond deals. However,
I posit that the risk that is most needless is corruption.
Interestingly, although corruption is the risk
that could most seriously sabotage the positive power of Eurobonds, it
is also the risk most readily addressed via Eurobonding itself! How?
Well...
The writer is a lecturer at the Aga Khan Graduate Media School.
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