Friday, April 4, 2014

Somalia turning guns into ploughshares

Somalis tend to their maize garden as a soldier keeps watch over them. Photo/FILE
Somalis tend to their maize garden as a soldier keeps watch over them. Photo/FILE 
By DANIEL K. KALINAKI The EastAfrican
In Summary
  • Food has always been political. Peaceful and democratic countries rarely suffer famine. In Somalia, however, food is one of the tools that have been used over more than two decades of instability.
  • Making Somali farmers self-sufficient is key to keeping famine at bay and skirting around the politics of humanitarian relief food.

 

On a hot morning in early March, a dozen or so Somali farmers crowd into a small shelter at the UN base next to Mogadishu Airport.

Flanked by officials from the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), they listen quietly through the speeches and the translator, as the sweltering sun battles through the awning above.

The farmers are in Mogadishu to celebrate. After two decades of war, the attendant breakdown in law and order, and persistent drought, they have, for the first time ever, grown and sold maize to WFP.
“Farmers are now producing the food that the poor in Somalia are consuming,” says Luca Alinovi, the FAO officer in charge of the country. “It is a dream come true.”

Some of the maize is lined up in 50kg bags along a prefabricated building in the complex; after the speeches the farmers and the officials stand before the maize for the perfunctory photo-op.
Food has always been political. Peaceful and democratic countries rarely suffer famine. In Somalia, however, food is one of the tools that have been used over more than two decades of instability.
General Farah Aideed, one of the warlords that emerged after the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, confiscated food aid and used it as a tool to rent support and punish rival supporters.

Keeping famine away
A more recent report by the UN found that about 250,000 Somalis, half of them children aged five and below, had died in the 18 months between September 2010 and April 2012 when drought and famine pillaged the country.

 
This represented 40,000 more deaths than in the Aideed-driven famine in Somalia in 1992.
The deaths, according to the report, were caused by the “combined impact of drought, reduced humanitarian assistance, high food prices and civil strife in the affected regions, and the downstream consequences of the above factors (such as disease epidemics), all in a context of persisting and/or worsening insecurity.”

According to Somali watchers, the international community was slow to respond to that crisis, because Al­ Shabaab, the militant group that controls large swathes of the country, targeted and hijacked relief food convoys.

In a paper published by the British think-tank Chatham House, Rob Bailey argued that the failure to deliver food aid to those in need during that crisis was “an obvious and inevitable consequence of donor anti-terror strategies designed to prevent the capture of humanitarian aid by the Islamist organisation Al Shabaab, the de facto administration in the famine-affected areas.”

Making Somali farmers self-sufficient is, therefore, key to keeping famine at bay and skirting around the politics of humanitarian relief food

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