There
are those who think homosexuality is gross and homosexuals disposable.
Others support gays and their rights and dismiss homophobes as existing
decades behind socio-sexual realities.
Midway are those
who acknowledge the humanity of gays but insist on their deviance. They
want us to pity them and work to return them to normalcy.
All
these positions focus on sex, that is, the physical act people engage
in to express ultimate love for each other. The problem is that the
issue under discussion, sex and sexuality, has many normalcies.
CONTROLLING BODIES
Just
take a peep in bedrooms of all the homophobic heterosexuals around.
They enjoy a multiplicity of sexual expressions. But heteronormative
society will publicly frown at this and dismiss any act that differs
from their publicly acknowledged heterosexual socialisation as gross,
alien and an affront to ‘our’ culture.
The focus on sex
in gay debates serves the single purpose of justifying their
discrimination. History is replete with examples, from discrimination of
gentiles, aliens, blacks, women, to those Sylvia Tamale aptly calls
non-conforming sexualities.
The key to achieving the discriminatory intent is to publicise the sexual issue.
But
how much time does ‘a normal’ person devote to sexual activity? Why are
we mobilising society to make sexual orientation the centre of our
legislative agenda and public debate when in fact our ‘normal’
experience allocates miniscule time to sex? Don’t we have demanding
priorities?
The issue is not sex but the social
consequences of gay acts, including most importantly hateful
discrimination. To be known to be, or suspected of, deviating from
prescribed ways of experiencing sex is not only condemned through the
harsh homophobic acts we have witnessed, but this goes to the extreme of
murder.
The start of the murderous intent is found in the dehumanising language of the likes of Yoweri Museveni.
The
move towards legislating homosexuality represents a re-introduction of
state-sanctioned control that will not stop at discriminating and
punishing non-conforming sexualities.
In Uganda, it has
quickly moved towards controlling bodies in general, including banning
of miniskirts. There is a gender dimension to this.
INTRUSIVENESS WITHOUT BOUNDS
The
lesson is that new legislations targeting non-conforming sexualities
will expand to include all non-conforming behaviour of minority,
marginalised and underprivileged groups.
Legislation
always has a class character. Those able to secure their ‘criminalised’
forms of sexuality in safe places will not suffer the same fate as the
poor who have no security in privilege.
Ultimately, be
warned that when society begins to legislate morality, the slippery
slope towards totalitarianism is firmly set. When society begins to
legislate the private domain, the intrusiveness of the state into the
lives of citizens will know no bounds.
If we focus our
attention on what people do in their bedrooms, what will prevent the
state from listening to your phone, opening mail and hacking accounts?
We
must understand that the consequences of homophobia are social, not
sexual. Rumours aside, it is almost impossible to enforce homosexual
charges in courts.
We must expose the double-edged
sword that homophobia represents. We must accept that criminalisation of
gay acts identifies homosexuals as a discriminated category that, by
the same fact, enjoins them to mobilise to protect not just their rights
to privately experience sex as they deem but also to protect themselves
from a society that is pretentiously too intrusive.
For
the charge that homosexuality is unAfrican, I can do no better than
cite Professor Tamale: ‘Is it not the mother of all ironies for a
Bible-wielding African politician named “David” dressed in a three-piece
suit, caressing his iPhone, and speaking a colonial language to condemn
anything for its un-Africanness?’
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