By L. Muthoni Wanyeki
Kenyans have watched in horror as the conflict
unfolds in South Sudan… Kenyan business people and professionals have
been part of the exodus out of the country.
South Sudanese are also streaming across the
border. Once again becoming refugees. Estimates are that about 43,000
have crossed over into Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda.
A further 250,000 are internally displaced. The
more fortunate have sought protection within UN compounds — 60,000 IDPs
alone within the UN compound in Juba.
The UN and critical member states have acted
quickly to support the political process under the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development. A surge in police and military personnel will
take over responsibilities within UN compounds.
An additional 5,500 personnel are expected to be
deployed within four to eight weeks, freeing up military personnel
already present for more proactive or “robust” patrolling outside UN
compounds.
For the humanitarian effort, from an additional
allocation of $15 million and reallocations, about half of the needed
$209 million is already available.
Nothing, however, is clear as concerns preventing
further loss of life and ongoing human-rights violations. While
downplaying problems of co-operation with the Government of South Sudan,
the UN’s frustration is coming through.
Further to the Security Council session on South
Sudan last week, its briefing was terse. It is “denouncing violations.”
It is “not co-operating with either side.” All has changed. The
honeymoon with the GOSS is over.
Meanwhile, the Igad Heads of State and Governments
signalled a slant in favour of the legitimacy of Salva Kiir’s
government and the determination that Riek Machar not benefit from his
military adventurism.
But beyond the protagonists, the positions from
South Sudanese civil society, including its academics and religious
community, are clear. This shouldn’t be happening. That it is happening
is entirely political. And political resolution is necessary.
What the South Sudanese are calling for — beyond
the obvious need for a ceasefire — is for the negotiations to address
the causes of the conflict.
They want the powers of the presidency addressed,
including through establishing a fixed term of office, separation of
powers and checks and balances. They want both the army and the civil
service restructured.
To act in the service of the state, not the
Sudanese Peoples’ Liberation Movement and certainly not the two
ethnicities instrumentalised within and by them.
They want inclusive national dialogue to follow
the Addis Ababa negotiations — if necessary, under a transitional
government leading to new elections.
They want that national dialogue to focus on the
failure of public service delivery to the South Sudanese given the new
state’s internal and external challenges — including unaddressed
corruption as well as destabilisation by the North.
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