Somali-American Imam Hassan Ali Mohamud leading the fight against Al Shabaab theology. Photo/Correspondent
By Rasheed Abdy
In Summary
- Al-Shabaab’s campaign to undermine Somalia’s traditionally diverse forms of worship and rituals has no scriptural and doctrinal basis.
Many people assume the Somali militant group Al
Shabaab enjoys the support of most Islamic leaders. However,
Somali-American Imam Hassan Ali Mohamud condemned the group’s attack on
the Westgate Mall in Nairobi in September.
He spoke to The EastAfrican’s Rasheed
Abdy about youth radicalisation, the failures of Muslim leaders, and
what the future holds for Somalia. The interview was contacted in
Somali, and translated by Abdy.
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You are well-known in the US and have
great influence over the Somali Diaspora communities in North America.
But could we start with a bit of background for those in East Africa who
may not know you that well?
Like many Somalis, I have a nickname, which is
Imam Hassan Jami’i. I got the name in 1982, as a tribute to my ability
to memorise the Koran and to distinguish me from another Hassan who was
my classmate in the dugsi (traditional Koranic school). The name has stuck with me ever since.
I became a da’i (Muslim missionary) at
the tender age of 14. I was born in Hamar (Mogadishu) in 1962. I
attended Banaadir High School, which was run by Arabs.
I have two law degrees – one from the National
University of Somalia and a post-graduate sharia degree from Cairo. I am
currently a lawyer and an adjunct professor teaching comparative law.
I moved to the US in 1996 and have lived in St.
Paul, Minnesota, for the past 17 years. I am married and have seven
children – three sons and four daughters.
Youth radicalisation is said to be a big
problem in Minnesota and there have been confirmed reports of
radicalised youths being recruited to join Al Shabaab in Somalia. How
have you personally addressed these issues in your role as imam and
community leader?
I continue to speak out against these issues. In
my first Friday sermon after the Westgate attack in Nairobi, I condemned
the atrocities and stressed that Islam forbids the killing of innocent
people. Islamic sharia puts great emphasis on the sanctity of human
life.
Extremism is a threat to all of us, including
Muslims. It is our religious duty to protect human life and oppose any
act that destroys life.
Our sermons and lectures are primarily geared towards tackling these problems.
I am a director of a youth centre that trains
Islamic missionaries. Our course content and methods are guided by the
Koran and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The Koran counsels
missionaries to use wisdom and tact in seeking converts. Sadly, we have
departed from this tradition. We hold annual youth conventions to revive
this teaching, and to counter the distortion of our faith.
How serious is the problem of radicalisation and youth recruitment within the Somali Diaspora community in the US?
The problem is real. The US government has been
busy in the past two years probing the full extent of the problem after a
youngster by the name of Shirwa was confirmed to have been involved in a
suicide attack in Somalia.
Shirwa was a high school graduate, a bright young man who was
enrolled at a local university. He had a promising future. The news
created great anxiety and concern.
The US government became interested in mosques and
to what extent they played a role in the recruitment and radicalisation
of Somali youth.
The probe found out that no Somali-run mosque was
implicated and that these activities were being conducted outside
mosques and in great secrecy.
A number of Somalis – 20 in total – have since
been convicted of various terrorism–related offences and sentenced to
prison terms ranging from three to 30 years.
It is clear the recruitment and radicalisation networks are operating outside the mainstream mosques.
It is important to probe the root causes. They
include events in the Muslim world, in particular the Ethiopian
occupation. Some were radicalised because their relatives were killed by
Ethiopian soldiers.
The Ethiopian occupation radicalised many Somalis
and acted as the main catalyst for recruitment. It spurred hundreds of
young Somalis to leave for Somalia to join Al Shabaab.
But the ulema (Muslim scholars trained in
Islam and Islamic law) cannot be absolved of blame for they were slow
to respond to the problem. There was a general complacency and tendency
to downplay the magnitude of the youth radicalisation crisis. The
extremists were better organised and built powerful networks and
alliances.
The Sheikh Sharif Government (2009-2012) is
equally to blame. It failed to clarify its moderate position. This
ambiguity created a vacuum – an ideal context that allowed the militants
to disseminate their distorted theology.
No attempt was made to mobilise the ulema and create a forum to challenge extremism and draw up a concerted response and strategy.
Some people had in the past questioned
your credentials as a “moderate” and suggested you did not do enough to
stem youth radicalisation, especially in Minnesota. But perceptions may
have since changed. You are well-regarded by the Somali government and
Amisom, as attested to by your presence here in Kigali for the Somali
youth conference. How would you characterise your current profile and
status?
Let me first say that most of the imams and Muslim
activists in the US came under suspicion from the general public and
the authorities in the wake of 9/11. Understood from this perspective, I
was not singled out for special scrutiny.
But many of these claims were fuelled by my
activities following the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia in December 2006.
Like many Somalis, I was opposed to the Ethiopian intervention and the
tacit US approval.
In early 2007, I launched a public campaign to
highlight our opposition. Some in the US government were not happy with
my action and stance.
The situation was further aggravated by negative reports fed to
the US authorities by some Somali officials. As far as these officials
were concerned, anyone who opposed Ethiopia’s 2006 invasion to dislodge
the Union of Islamic Courts and the subsequent three-year occupation was
an extremist. I was called many names – militant, radical, hardliner,
you name it.
It was, therefore, no surprise that my name would be put on a US government watch list.
I continue to petition the relevant departments in
a bid to reverse the decision, but as you probably know, this is not
going to be easy.
Many of the officials I talk to are sympathetic,
but there are many bureaucratic and systemic hurdles which makes the
process of getting me off the list extremely complicated. They tell me
it is easy to be put on the list but very difficult to be removed from
it, and they cite a variety of technical complications, some of which I
find plausible.
That said, I am not worried because my conscience
is clear and I am not regarded a threat to US national security. I move
freely and go about my business with no hindrance, whatsoever.
My relations with the US government continue to
improve. In fact, I am regularly called upon to conduct seminars and
lectures for various US government departments such as the FBI.
I value these interactions because it is a good
opportunity to correct misperceptions about Islam and foster greater
understanding and tolerance.
It is equally my duty as a citizen of the US and a
Muslim to protect my adopted country from harm and to offer advice to
the authorities. I see no contradiction in my civic and religious roles.
You were part of the 160 Muslim scholars
who recently met in Mogadishu and issued a fatwa against Al Shabaab.
This was the first gathering of its kind and was hailed as an important
milestone in the efforts to challenge the Al Shabaab narrative and
theology. But some would say it has come too late?
Yes. It has, I agree, but better late than never. And there are many reasons why it has taken us this long to act.
To start with, we had no strong and functional
government and much of the country, including the capital, was
controlled by Al Shabaab.
This is now changing. We now have a
post-transition government, which, despite many challenges, has greater
legitimacy and has managed to create pockets of relative safety where
large numbers of ulema can meet.
Many of us felt that such meetings have a greater impact when they are held inside the country.
Equally important, unlike the previous
governments, the current administration led by President Hassan Sheikh
Mahmoud seems keen on prioritising counter-radicalisation.
Unlike in the past too, many of the ulema, representing all the major strands and mazhab (sects), appear much more united in this common goal.
Unlike in the past too, many of the ulema, representing all the major strands and mazhab (sects), appear much more united in this common goal.
The Mogadishu conference of imams and scholars was
therefore an important milestone that marked a significant shift in our
collective effort and desire to create a structured forum to unify
views and build consensus on the way forward. The ultimate goal is to
create a home-grown, Somali-led strategy to counter violent extremism
and inculcate the values of moderation.
Are you saying that we now have an inclusive and non-sectarian process aimed at tackling extremism and youth radicalisation?
Absolutely.
But sceptics may say your new-found unity
is based more on opposition to Al-Shabaab and less on what you stand
for. We have not heard much about the so-called moderate values espoused
by the participants at the Mogadishu forum. Can you define what you
meant by moderation?
We are constantly bombarded by reports and images
about the rise of Islamist militancy, but rarely do we get to hear about
the resurgence of moderate Islam.
The truth is that there is a powerful moderate
Islamist movement which is emerging in the Muslim world. It is beginning
to influence public discourse and perception and is transforming
societies through non-violence.
Tunisia and Egypt, before the recent coup, are
just two recent examples of countries where the moderate Islamist
movement has triumphed over the extremists.
Sadly, the West’s confused response and lack of
support for this moderate Islamist movement has seen the recent gains
slowly reversed, especially in Egypt. Many disillusioned moderates are
turning to militancy. And that cannot be in the interest of the West.
The tendency in the West to conflate all forms of
Islamism and the inability to distinguish between extremism and
moderation is bound to have disastrous consequences. Every time a
moderate Islamist movement fails, the extremists succeed.
The values of moderation are deeply embedded in
our faith and traditions. The Koran says: “We have made you (Muslims) a
nation of moderation.”
Sharia is not an end in itself, but a means
towards creating a just and harmonious society. Its applications must be
preceded by a lengthy period of education and work to create the
optimal conditions – a fully functional state and an equitable and just
socio-economic and political system.
It is preposterous to impose sharia in an
impoverished and conflicted country, and to start chopping off hands as
Al Shabaab has done. Their sharia model is inconsistent with the
philosophy and spirit of sharia as understood and codified by the early
jurists.
Moderation disavows violence and expansionism. It seeks to foster tolerance, peaceful coexistence and non-sectarianism.
People must be left to practise their faith in accordance with their own creed and mazhab (sect).
Al-Shabaab’s campaign to undermine Somalia’s
traditionally diverse forms of worship and rituals has no scriptural and
doctrinal basis.
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