When the mass strike action hit the Rustenberg Platinum belt in
August 2012 mainstream South African public was quick to write off the
striking miners as an unruly bunch who were ungrateful for their
employment and unworthy of the social development that the mining
companies were investing into their communities. Indeed this is exactly
how it played out even when the deplorable Marikana massacre unfolded,
as every day media seemingly fell for the corporate propaganda that
Lonmin sold to them about their “constructive and humane” relationship
with the community of Wonderkop. This was their endeavour to look like
the “good guys” and render invalid any socioeconomic basis for the wave
of social unrest that exploded in Marikana in 2012, the resurgence of
which we are witnessing this month. What they did, instead of
acknowledging the dire social degradation that the workers and their
families are forced to endure, was create a scenario in which the miners
were portrayed as dangerous potential killers who were out to create
political instability in the economy.
But scratch a bit deeper and look back into the history of this
country’s economic development, and a very different story unfolds.
There is a plaintive song in workers’ history, sung in sad low
masculine tones. The song goes like this, “it is we who built the mines
and built the cities and the places where we trade, and now we stand
outcast and starving amidst the wonders we have made”.
This is the story of a South African economy built on the blood sweat
and tears of the very people who today, continue to be forced into a
form of slavery as they earn wages way below their worth as workers of
South Africa’s platinum mines. These are the men and women who are now
shot at and brutalised when they rise up to demand a better existence: a
lifestyle reflective of the economy that they helped to build.
It was the discovery of diamonds and gold in South Africa that
created the pillar on which this land’s modern economy was built. But it
was also this discovery that led to the complete fragmentation of the
social foundation that indigenous societies in South Africa once
enjoyed. While the rapid growth in infrastructure, manufacturing and
financial services signalled stupendous good luck and good life for
white South Africans, it was quite the opposite for black South
Africans.
Many fail to recognise that this is what the contemporary
marginalised black population is still reeling from — the bloody
exploitation of an entire people at the very beginning of our country’s
economy. Since then there has never been a moment to recover from this
systemic damage because after colonialism came apartheid, and then a
tenuous democracy, all of which have knocked the poor back time and time
again.
As pointed out in the 2007 report
from the Bench Marks Foundation on the socioeconomic conditions of mine
workers and their families, our economy was, and still is, built on the
exploitation and suffering of workers from all over Southern Africa. In
the 19th century, cruel legislation forcibly removed people from their
lands and entrenched the cheap labour system. This legislative onslaught
included the hut tax, land tax, animal tax and labour tax that crippled
farm dwellers. Finally the 1913 Land Act forced people to labour in the
mines and shattered their autonomy forever.
The 1913 Land Act was pure devastation for black South Africans as
entire communities were dislocated and family ties destroyed. Peoples
that once depended on an agricultural existence found themselves
instead, in bonded labour, forcibly removed from the land, alienated
from clan and faced with treacherous working conditions.
Tragically, in a sad twist of incomprehensible fate, nothing has
changed for black workers in the current democracy, which coincides with
the platinum boom and the race for mining rights from both foreign
investors, apartheid investors and even state official investors. The
poor just do not stand a chance of recuperation as communities all over
the country continue being removed from their lands while mines expand
their locations and force people out of agriculturally viable lifestyles
into untenable living conditions. These communities are sometimes
subtly coerced into living around the mines with promises of work. What
they find instead of a better life though, is a life of quiet
desperation as they are subjected to the disastrous negative impacts of
mining, social degradation and environmental pollution.
Not that your average outsider would know any of this, so carefully
disguised is this reality behind expensive advertorial and green washing
campaigns that are the carefully crafted work of corporate social
responsibility propaganda machines.
Take Marikana for example. As you drive into Wonderkop, the
shantytown that spreads on the outskirts of the Lonmin mines, there is a
large billboard with the face of a happy miner in full mining regalia
smiling back at the onlooker. The words “Integrity, Honesty, Trust” are
displayed on this billboard. One would expect then, that we would find
happy miners who are treated with integrity and honesty and that a
trusting bond exists between them and their employers.
What we find instead are desperate workers struggling to eke out a
living, though they are employed by a multinational mining concern. We
find tin shanties tacked together and surrounded by muddy walkways. We
find little children playing in this mud and on mounds of waste and
litter, because the services are few and far between and neither
government nor the corporates have even considered building these
children a playground or creche. We find that there are no toilets. We
find women who are at the end of their tether because they have to try
and feed families of small children whilst unemployed. We find high
levels of HIV, though the corporate reports will say that few people
suffer from this virus under their watch.
Life in Wonderkop is hard — much harder than anyone who has not
experienced poverty can imagine. It is a surreal medieval landscape
dotted with signs of an age of technology in hand-painted cellphone
signs that hang lopsidedly off the walls of tacked together wooden slat
or corrugated tin shops.
In an interview with John Capel from
Bench Marks it is revealed that the mines in the Rustenburg mining belt
are poisoning the land and the waters through unchecked polluting and
doing very little about cleaning up their mess. Toxic sulphur dioxide
leaks spill into the water sources that supply the communities, who then
have no choice but to drink and wash from it.
According to the foundation report mines are allowed to emit a
whopping 18 tonnes of Co2 from each company into the air, forcing
surrounding communities to breathe in this contaminated concoction of
mercury laden emissions and dust particles that cause both cancer and
respiratory disease. Poisonous slime dams are found close to the
settlements too, impacting negatively on the health of the inhabitants.
The financial pressure that dealing with ill-health puts on these
already impoverished communities, pushes them to borrow money from loan
sharks at exorbitant interest rates and keeps them in a cycle of debt,
poverty and subjugation.
This harsh reality completely contradicts what the mining companies
are telling the world they are investing into the communities that live
around their operations. They claim, in reports that go out to the
world, that they invest plenty into these communities and that they work
hard to improve upon their poor environmental track record as they aim
to reach a state of zero environmental harm on surrounding settlements.
But says Capel in an interview with SACSIS,
these promises often play out as confessions around chemical spills and
other environmental transgressions, always with the disclaimer that
they plan to fix it all. It is a never-ending confessional as nothing
ever seems to improve and not enough pressure from the government is
ever exerted onto these companies to clean up their act.
The reality is, according to the Bench Marks report, that these
corporates are putting little more than 1% of their profits back into
developing these communities or cleaning up their operations, despite
what they claim to be doing on paper.
In the meantime the untenable multi-systemic violations perpetrated
on communities living close to these wealthy mining operations continue
to push a people to breaking point. Their only recourse is often to down
tools for up to three days just to get their employers to talk to them.
Though it is clear that these socioeconomic factors are the root
cause of strike action and unrest, they are often the most overlooked in
the analysis offered on media platforms for why strikes and civil
unrest occur. Indeed, even the Farlam Commission’s focus remains on the
urgent issue of police brutality against the miners, but seems not to be
scrutinising, at all, these indefensible poverty and environmental
factors, including unsustainable wages, that ultimately contribute to
strike action and instability.
This is a human-rights issue and ought to be tackled as one. While
people are being exploited, enslaved and violated with impunity by
multinationals and while this is well-hidden behind expedient social
investment advertorials and green washing campaigns, human lives will
continue to be expendable and worthless to corporations that put profits
before people.
It is time for South Africa’s public to look beyond the social
responsibility propaganda of big business and join struggling
communities in calling for corporate accountability and human rights
before profits. We should no longer tolerate the hypocrisy of corporate
attempts at social responsibility that claim to save and protect with
one hand what the other hand destroys.
(Media for Justice
are currently filming a documentary in Marikana looking at the
disjuncture between corporate responsibility claims and socioeconomic
realities. Watch this space for video clips.)
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