A man holds a placard picturing Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa
takes part in march on November 29 2018, in Harare. Mnangagwa’s dramatic
rise brought in hope for freedom following decades of authoritarian
rule under the founding father of the nation Robert Mugabe. PHOTO |
JEKESAI NJIKIZANA | AFP
After two years of intensifying repression and worsening
economic hardships, the euphoria that marked the end of Robert Mugabe’s
38-year hold on power is dissipating in Zimbabwe.
The
late Mugabe, who ruled the southern African country since Independence
in 1980, was toppled in a coup engineered by his lieutenants in 2017.
He
was succeeded by long-time confidante President Emmerson Mnangagwa
whose dramatic rise brought in hope of freedom for many after years of
authoritarian rule.
President Mnangagwa promised to steer the country into a democracy and styled his leadership as a “new dispensation.”
“I am soft as wool,” he said at the time.
The
former vice president, who was forced into brief exile during former
president Mugabe’s last days in power before his triumphant return on
the back of a military takeover, largely kept his promise as he finished
his mentor’s term.
However, August 1, 2018, the day after the historic polls that gave him a full mandate, marked the turning point.
Soldiers
opened fire on opposition supporters demonstrating against delays in
the release of presidential elections results, killing six on the
streets of the capital Harare.
Human-rights groups said
17 people were killed and several women raped by soldiers after
President Mnangagwa unleashed the military to stop protests against a
steep increase in the price of fuel in January this year.
The
government blocked the Internet as protests raged and analysts say by
then the government had resorted back to the Mugabe rule book.
“The
resurgence of authoritarian politics in the form of the post 2018
election violence and the violent repression of opposition and civic
dissent in January, August and November 2019, marked the predictable
path of Mugabe’s legacy,” said academic Brian Raftopoulos.
“The
post 2017 Mnangagwa regime very quickly turned into political
repression that has defined the multi-layered Zimbabwean crisis since
the late 1990s,” he added.
Opposition protests were
banned throughout the year as state security agencies said they feared
the volatile economic situation could ignite chaos. On the few occasions
that supporters took to the streets they were bashed by riot police and
several people were arrested.
At least 20 civic
society activists and opposition legislators were charged with treason
for their alleged involvement in the protests.
Clement
Nyaletsossi Voule, the United Nations’ special rapporteur on the rights
to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, said that “fear,
frustration and anxiety” were growing among Zimbabweans.
After
a 10-day fact-finding mission in September, Mr Voule said the
deteriorating political, economic and social conditions in the country
had killed any hope for change.
“I have perceived that
there is a serious deterioration on the political, economic and social
environment since August 2018, resulting in fear, frustration and
anxiety among a large number of Zimbabweans,” Mr Voule said.
A
month later, UN special rapporteur on the rights to food Hilal Elver,
warned that the country was on the brink of “a man-made crisis” with
millions of people facing starvation.
“More than 60 per
cent of the population of a country once seen as the breadbasket of
Africa is now considered food insecure, with most households unable to
obtain enough food to meet basic needs due to hyperinflation,” said Ms
Elver in a preliminary report after an 11-day visit.
A
severe drought significantly reduced agriculture output and Zimbabwe is
struggling to finance grain imports due to foreign currency shortages.
The
drought has also plunged the country of 14 million people into darkness
as the main source of hydropower—Kariba Dam—is running dry. Since May,
the country has been experiencing 18-hour daily blackouts, which have
crippled the economy.
The economic pressures have
spawned labour unrest with doctors going on strike for over three months
demanding salaries in foreign currency.
President
Mnangagwa’s regime reacted to the strike by firing over 500 doctors,
claiming that they were being funded by external forces to destabilise
the government.
One of the leaders of the doctors’ union was abducted by suspected state security agents, sparking widespread condemnation.
Analysts
say the failing economy and increasing social unrest are some of the
reasons President Mnangagwa’s government is becoming more intolerant.
According to a 2019 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum report, human rights violations have increased since the November 2017 coup.
The
violations include shooting to death of protestors by security forces,
raping of women during military clampdowns, abductions and arbitrary
arrests.
Human-rights organisations also warned of increasing violent protests and civil unrest.
“The
situation in Zimbabwe is not tenable for the enjoyment of fundamental
human-rights and the situation does not seem to be improving. The
economy continues to slide deeper into crisis caused by systematic and
structural problems spanning for almost two decades now,” said Janet
Zhou, a human-rights activist in a report titled Human Rights and Shrinking Democratic Space in the Sadc Region: The Case of Zimbabwe.
“The situation needs concerted efforts at the local level but also from the region and the international community,” she added.
In
November, the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations wrote to
President Mnangagwa proposing the suspension of elections for seven
years to give the country time to reconcile.
The
churches say they were worried about increasing political tension
between the ruling party and the main opposition, which emanated from
last year’s disputed elections.
The proposal was
rejected by both the ruling party and the opposition, which said
suspending elections would be unconstitutional. Both parties, however,
agreed that there was a need for dialogue to resolve the impasse.
In
2019, the MDC led by Nelson Chamisa boycotted President Mnangagwa’s
parliamentary appearances, much to the chagrin of the ruling party.
“Central
to the strategy of the MDC in pushing for dialogue with the ruling
party has been a combination of denying President Mnangagwa political
legitimacy, protests and continued calls for international and regional
pressure, through sanctions,” said Prof Raftopoulos.
“Thus,
at present there is little sign of movement towards a national
dialogue. However, there are indications that there are voices in the
ruling party that would like to enter broad discussion with Mr Chamisa’s
MDC,” he added.
Former South African president Thabo
Mbeki, who spent three days in Zimbabwe exploring possible talks between
the country’s key economic players, said last week on Wednesday that he
would be back in Harare to push for dialogue.
Mr Mbeki
mediated the talks between Mugabe and late opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, which yielded a unity government in 2009.
The
political settlement led to a brief economic turnaround that was
disrupted when Mugabe’s party regained control of Parliament during the
2013 election.
President Mnangagwa has so far rejected
having his legitimacy on the agenda of any talks. He enjoys the backing
of regional blocks such as the Southern African Development Community
(Sadc), but is under pressure from the United States and the European
Union.
A Sadc summit in August resolved to intensify
the campaign against sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the west for
alleged human-rights violations during the Mugabe era.
“The
political polarisation that characterises the national context is also
apparent at the regional and international levels,” said Prof
Raftopoulos adding, “While the EU and the United States have insisted
that the crisis in Zimbabwe is the result of ‘years of mismanagement and
corruption,’ Sadc says it is because of the adverse effects of
sanctions on the Zimbabwe economy and the region.”
University
of Zimbabwe political science lecturer Eldred Masunungure said Mr
Mbeki’s mediation was unlikely to yield any significant reforms in the
short term.
“It is a route we have travelled before. It
gave a respite to the economic and political crises but the brittle
coalition arrangement quickly unravelled. Zanu PF re-established its
dominance on the political scene,” Mr Masunungure said.
Mr Chamisa said dialogue must deliver “true change and real reforms.”
“When
we shake hands, let us agree to truly walk in the same direction, a new
direction,” he said after his initial meeting with Mr Mbeki.
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