On Tuesday Human Rights Watch released a report bemoaning the
unhappy fact that governments in East Africa made little or no progress
on human rights in 2015.
“Ethiopia
and Burundi, and to some extent Uganda, experienced worsening
restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and other rights in the
lead up to or after elections.
“Other
countries, such as Rwanda, maintained longstanding tight control on
dissenting views. Kenya’s government failed to hold security forces to
account for serious crimes and there were fresh horrific abuses in South
Sudan, including attacks on civilians, repression, and a deepening
humanitarian crisis in its second year of conflict. Across the region,
governments failed to investigate and prosecute serious human rights
violation,” HRW said.
As it happens, in most of the rest of Africa, and the world for that matter, it is the same picture.
But
to keep it home, why is it that we are not seeing the kind of dramatic
opening of democratic space that happened in the 1990s?
The obvious answer is an uncomfortable one — most of us don’t know what the next level of freedoms should look like.
FALL OF BERLIN WALL
When
the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War happened, and
removed the ideological roadblocks that had hindered progress, the
reforms were obvious: End one party rule; have competitive elections;
bring in presidential term limits; fidget with having independent courts
and Auditor Generals; relax foreign exchange controls; have
anti-corruption institutions; open up public space for women; take more
children to school, and things like that.
The
outcomes have been poor in places, and we have seen reversals, but
there is a sense that the basic things that need to be done have been
done.
You can only remove foreign exchange controls once.
The
second thing is that these reforms of the 1990s and early 2000s were
not monolithic — they were about more than just one thing.
There was political reform, economic reform, social sector reform, and so on.
A
big man could choose to introduce universal primary education, or raise
representation of women in parliament, but refuse to have an
independent electoral commission or a Chief Justice appointed on merit,
instead of giving the job to his crony.
ARAB SPRING
But even if he did that, there was still a sense of movement; that some things were improving.
That
allowed democracy activists and other civil society to have something
to work on, as they waited for the dictator to either die or have a
change of heart.
By the time the Arab
Spring came around at the start of 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt, we were
down to one issue really — get rid of the long-ruling autocrat and his
parasitic family.
It was noble, but
it seemed it wasn’t broad enough to galvanise many of society’s sectors
as happened in the 1990s, leaving the Spring revolutionaries to ally
with the very instruments that the old regimes use for suppression, like
the army.
Now, except perhaps in Tunisia, the Arab Spring has been defeated.
That has also made things worse for democracy all over the continent, because the big men are now emboldened.
So
here is my prediction; over at least the next five years, HRW’s reports
will paint the same unflattering picture of the state of freedom.
Change in Africa requires catastrophic or dramatic global events, not just regional or continental ones.
Thus,
one of the most important global catalysts for independence in Africa
was World War II that left European colonialists broken, and forces that
emerged strong like the US wanting them to move aside so there could be
space for them to get in.
The end of
the Cold War resulted in the disappearance of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR) and the re-emergence of old/new nations in
Europe, and a rearrangement of power in the world.
We need something on that scale, in order to craft a new reform order in Africa.
There has been a lot of excitement that the internet and stuff like mobile phones will shake up politics.
Those
technologies are radically altering the way we work, and do almost
everything, but it’s doubtful they will usher in a different enlightened
politics.
That would be too easy.
Political change rarely comes without a lot of blood on the floors,
bodies buried in the ground, ways of life and cities destroyed —
unfortunately.
The author is editor of Mail & Guardian Africa. Twitter@cobbo3
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