Tuesday, July 1, 2014

EALA censure bid on Speaker Zziwa: A lesson on institutional prerogatives


Editorial Cartoon
Something has been clarified in the aftermath of the failure of a censure motion against the Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly, Ms Margaret Nantongo Zziwa, first within the assembly itself, and then among the wider public.

Speaker Zziwa had occasion to talk with an editorial member of ours and had plenty of explanation on what actually went wrong in the matter.


It came up that a motion to discuss the Congolese contention with M23 foremost was one among the thorny issues, whose logic of being tabled in the EALA was doubtful to the Speaker.

That several Tanzanian EALA members only moved to withdraw their signatures in the motion in the last minute as it were shows that the matter was basically that of EALA members rather than arising from the member countries.

Only when matters were coming to a head, threatening to paralyze the work of the assembly did Heads of State consult among themselves, and on that basis, political links be used to scuttle the debilitating move.

At first the public was made to believe that there were just issues of probity and good governance, where the Speaker had erred.

What surfaced when Tanzanian EALA members largely withdrew from the censure motion was slightly different, that there were strategic issues involved in the contention, and that censure in part was meant to benefit ‘certain regional interest’ contrary to the spirit of integration.

That wasn’t clarified in the statement issued by the EALA Tanzania Chapter dissenting members – from the common motion to censure the Speaker.

Now it is out in the open: the issue was that she refused a motion to table the routing of M23 rebel group in the Congo in EALA proceedings.

This specific matter is instructive because it brings to the fore institutional prerogatives and limitations of both legislation and formation of opinion in EALA in relation to specific spheres of competence of each member state individually.

Nothing illustrates the matter more intensely as this one, and in effect there was also a confluence of personal loyalties in the EAC breadth of institutions, which played out at the strategic level.

Secretary General Dr Richard Sezibera is a Rwandan national; he might not speak to support the motion but is aware of his loyalties there.

Speaker Zziwa on the other hand is Ugandan, and much as she does not represent Ugandan foreign policy when sitting on that chair, her appointment or nomination has to do with the goodwill emanating partially from the country’s presidency.

 Removing her, manu military, would also be to slight that institution, that a thoroughly corrupt person has incidentally been nominated for the post of Speaker, and that means it also reflects on the country.

 It was this insinuation and innuendo which would have compelled the Head of State to seek assistance from his counterpart.

So one supposes that the matter was brought to the president here and he asks for a checklist of accusations, and sees one  discuss silencing of M23 in the Congo, and two, why did a relative of the Speaker get a job or some short space work, or travel in a delegation, etc.

The president asks the chairman of the Tanzania group what he thinks of all this, and he says EALA members just moved together to censure the Speaker.

 He says is it a group thing and he has nothing against the Speaker personally. One could imagine what sort of advice would follow thereon.
SOURCE: GUARDIAN ON SUNDAY

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