PHOTO | FILE President Uhuru Kenyatta (right) with his deputy William Ruto at a past function.
On Tuesday last week, Nation editor
Macharia Gaitho penned what is arguably his most distressing op-ed
titled: ‘Has Ruto let the cat out of the bag with his lament about bad
advice?’ (Read the article here)
This
is a barefaced contrivance to frame a non-existent political dispute
along volatile ethnic contours. His contention is that Mr Charles Keter,
Mr Alfred Keter and I are in a conspiracy to propagate narrow tribal
interests at the behest of the Deputy President, against senior named
public servants whom Mr Gaitho helpfully referenced as ‘powerful figures
from Central Kenya’.
The thrust of his offensive
opinion is that the Deputy President is actually waging war against the
President through proxy. That is why he lined his ducks in nice little
ethnic rows: Kalenjin versus Kikuyu, with the expectation that the
hackles of respective bases would be raised, and an all-out conflict
will subsequently consume the Jubilee Alliance.
I write
to protest against this cavalier attitude to facts. First of all, as
far as I can determine, Mr Alfred Keter purports to protest corruption
in relation to the standard gauge railway project, and disenchantment
with the tribal ratios in public sector appointments.
It is clear that ignorance of pertinent facts is a key component of this agitation. On the other hand, Mr Charles Keter was outraged that certain folk who actively connived in the subornation of perjuries against the Deputy President with regard to the ICC continue to serve at the heart of power.
It is clear that ignorance of pertinent facts is a key component of this agitation. On the other hand, Mr Charles Keter was outraged that certain folk who actively connived in the subornation of perjuries against the Deputy President with regard to the ICC continue to serve at the heart of power.
I can speak well for myself. Essentially, I
predicted that the government would have to shed certain obstructive
elements and dismantle powerful networks of corrupt civil servants. I
identified constitutional implementation and devolution as the most
prone to these malevolent operatives.
When I wrote that
much-discussed opinion, I was alive to repeated observations in the
public domain, and even referred to undisputed utterances of the
President. I did not refer to any particular officer by name. Yet Mr
Gaitho confidently divines the identities of people he deems to be
“powerful figures from Central Kenya” as the targets of my article.
I
am thoroughly insulted by the insinuation that I operate as an
appendage of some ethnic cabal, and scandalised by the suggestion that
the Kenyan presidency has been reduced to a kleptomanic, tribal ‘tu
quoque’ clamouring to bleed the Exchequer.
Why has Mr
Gaitho closed his eyes to blinding realities: that corrupt, obstructive
and malignant networks of high-ranking civil servants exist, and that
sooner rather than later, they will have to go?
When
he observes that “no heads have rolled since, and that might be because
those in Mr Ruto’s crosshairs are not a motley bunch of bureaucrats”,
doesn’t Mr Gaitho confirm that there exists a powerful network labouring
under a form of impunity and entitlement? Does he not scoff at the need
for the President to receive impeccable advice?
Look
at the Dida debacle — it most certainly is a product of wilful sabotage
or blithe incompetence. Apparently, pointing this out is antagonising
the President, or letting cats out of bags. Are negligent public
officers now going to use the President as a human shield?
Ironically,
the paper that carried Mr Gaitho’s opinion also reported CIC chairman
Charles Nyachae warning about conspiracies to sabotage devolution from
within government. He clarified that this conspiracy does not extend to
the presidency. Shall we also say that Mr Nyachae is after ‘powerful
figures from Central Kenya’?
The piece strains to
present a prognosis of an ailing governing alliance, but the truth is
that it is a bellwether of impending Executive moves with regard to
corrupt networks. Through Mr Gaitho, these reptiles, presently
hibernating in fear, wish to know whether it is safe to rear their heads
and slither back into action.
Entitlement breeds a
certain obtuseness. It is a characteristic of entrenched impunity to
presume that hide-and-seek with lawful authority is legitimate
engagement. It is its nature to utterly forget that corruption is not a
dimension of public service, and that Kenyans are more discerning than
they are given credit for.
That is why facile tribal
speculation is canvassed to distract and provide the dysfunctional space
that all thieves find indispensable. Believe me, the clique which
sneaked ‘national security’ into the Draft Constitution straddles the
public service, ready to pounce.
I wish Mr Gaitho had
applied his mind more conscientiously in this debate. His obsession to
burnish anti-Establishment credentials while attempting to foment ethnic
skirmishes is regrettable.
One of the non-negotiable
commitments of the Jubilee Alliance is reconciling Kenyans. In the last
election, this was endorsed, when the fragile and often volatile
Rift-Valley/Central Kenya divide was firmly bridged. The plan is to
bring all the communities of this country together as an indivisible
national family.
For an editor of a respected
publication to regress into hackneyed tribal categories is a sure sign
that addiction to toxic ethnic narratives will often overwhelm the most
vocal ‘progressives’.
Mr Gaitho is Kikuyu. I am
Kalenjin. President Kenyatta is Kikuyu. Deputy President Ruto is
Kalenjin. The powerful figures from Central Kenya, as well as the vocal
MPs, also fit within this vile binary. Is that all there is to the
discourse on governance, corruption and impunity?
Mr Ng’eno is the director in charge of speech-writing at State House.
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