By AFP
Faced with its most serious challenge yet, the Ethiopian
regime, a crucial Western ally in the fight against terrorism, risks a
deepening crisis if promised reforms do not come, researchers and
analysts warn.
A nationwide state of emergency since October 9 combined with
the mass arrest of more than 2,500 people has suppressed months of
widespread and sometimes deadly anti-government protests.
On Monday state media reported that the majority of those
rounded up had been released, but mobile internet and the social
networks used to mobilise protesters remain blocked as the government
seeks a decisive end to the unrest.
“Violence has been controlled,” government spokesman Getachew
Reda said last week. “What we have is a more or less stable situation.”
The challenge to the government has been strongest in the Oromo
and Amhara regions — which together account for over 60 per cent of the
population — and these areas are now in a siege-like state.
“The government wants to show its strength. The state of
emergency has a psychological impact by increasing the feeling of fear
and insecurity among the population,” said Rene Lefort, an independent
Horn of Africa researcher.
But force alone will not solve the underlying problems and
Lefort said he is “sceptical about the ability and willingness of the
regime to open up” raising fears that in the absence of concessions to
the protesters, the situation will worsen.
Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has offered to reform the
winner-takes-all electoral system which has allowed his ruling Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition to win every
seat in parliament in the 2015 poll.
Economic progress
But even if reforms come, they will not take effect until the
next election due in 2020, while a proposed government reshuffle has yet
to be carried out.
Jean-Nicolas Bach, an Ethiopia specialist and director of
Sudan’s Centre for Social, Legal and Economic Studies and Documentation
(CEDEJ-Khartoum) said the EPRDF is committed to its own continuity and
may not be capable of adequate change, citing its “hegemonic ambitions
and authoritarian mode of government”.
“The goals of the EPRDF have always been clear: maintain power
to take the country on the path of development. As for democracy, it
will come when it comes,” Bach said.
The regime, led by former rebel commander and strongman Meles
Zenawi from 1991 until his death in 2012, is credited with real economic
progress that saw a decade of around 10 per cent annual growth.
Infant mortality and malnutrition was halved over the same period, according to figures from the World Bank.
But development has been accompanied by a squeezing of political
space, disregard for human rights and a growing outcry at alleged
government corruption.
“We need to change the rules that give impunity to local
officials and better checks on officials,” said Daniel Berhane, founder
and editor of Horn Affairs, an online magazine.
He suggested that every “kebele”, or neighbourhood, hold
meetings “to gather public grievances” at the grassroots level which can
be relayed to central government “without any editing”.
Berhane said the EPRDF’s total victory in the May 2015 election
left some feeling “disenfranchised”, especially in parts of the northern
Amhara region and central-western Oromo region where the opposition had
hoped to win seats and some power.
Genuine stability
“Not surprisingly, these two areas are the epicentres of the protests,” he said.
The brutal repression of the protest movement — human rights
organisations say several hundred have been killed by security forces —
combined with lack of any political change triggered an explosion of
violence in recent weeks, seriously undermining Ethiopia’s reputation as
a stable country.
The image of foreign farms and business going up in flames after being set alight by protesters has put off investors.
“The protests have significantly undermined the ruling coalition
and genuine stability will take years to recover,” said Emma Gordon, an
analyst at Maplecroft Verisk, a risk management firm.
“Until then, further divestments, particularly by Western agribusiness firms, are likely to be announced.”
The most likely scenario, said Gordon, is a continuing weak but
persistent challenge to government authority because, the “proposed
reforms are unlikely to fully satisfy” opponents.
Protesters want “more sweeping concessions” to reduce the
dominance of the minority Tigrayan leaders in the EPRDF and for security
forces to be reined in.
But none of this is on the table — meaning, Gordon said, another
eruption of protests is likely “in relation to military deployments or
evidence of continued restrictions on the political opposition.”
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