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Sunday, November 29, 2015

To fight corruption, Uhuru has to deal with tribalism in government

Jubilee Party steering committee co-chair Kiraitu Murungi addresses the media in Nairobi on October 26, 2015. During the Anglo Leasing scandals, Mwai Kibaki, the president at the time, forced out forced out Ministers Chris Murungaru, David Mwiraria and Kiraitu Murungi. PHOTO | SALATON NJAU | NATION MEDIA GROUP
Jubilee Party steering committee co-chair Kiraitu Murungi addresses the media in Nairobi on October 26, 2015. During the Anglo Leasing scandals, Mwai Kibaki, the president at the time, forced out forced out Ministers Chris Murungaru, David Mwiraria and Kiraitu Murungi. PHOTO | SALATON NJAU | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
By MAINA KIAI
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Few things bring out the worst of our tribal feelings as debates around grand corruption.
It is predictable: We line up in our tribal gear to either lambast or defend the high level person who stands accused of losing funds on their watch or who can’t account for vast sums of taxpayer funds. The debates around Anne Waiguru are Exhibit 1.
Some of the arguments, especially by the middle class who want to appear above tribal sentiments are incredible.
We come out with lines like the person is a “pillar” of the regime, and therefore indispensable, as we saw with the Anglo Leasing scandals until Mwai Kibaki, the president at the time, forced out Ministers Chris Murungaru, David Mwiraria and Kiraitu Murungi.
The message, it seems, is that if you are close to the Presidency then you have a license to be above ethics, morality and the law.
Or we will assert that the powerful person who should be held accountable is a “performer” as we heard about Anne Waiguru.
Here, the message, it seems, is being a “performer,” should mean a free ride.
Yet if these “performers” take personal credit for successes, why not also take personal responsibility for the failures and scandals on their watch?
Of course, the defenders of the powerful in the eye of corruption scandals are not only tribal kinsmen and women.
Circling around are the sycophants and traders from other tribes who seek to endear themselves to the powerful — looking for opportunities to get appointed to positions that can bring huge corruption dividends — by shouting themselves hoarse in defence.
After all, the nature of Kenya is that no matter how tribal the regime, it does need a few “outsiders” as fig leafs to cover their tribal garb somewhat.
TRIBALISM SHIELD
Corruption and tribalism are closely intertwined and feed off each other, as the early 1990s Kiraitu Murungi once wrote in an analysis published by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, asserting that the key way to reduce tribalism is by reducing corruption.
For tribalism provides access to positions and power, which in turn provide the opportunities for “eating,” nepotism and entry into cartels.
It also helps with defensive mechanisms, as we saw with Sam Ongeri rushing to his Kisii community after the British government suspended its support for free primary education following revelations of corruption and misuse in 2010.
His words at a political/prayer rally, captured on KTN and on YouTube on February 13, 2010 were instructive.
Speaking in Gusii language, he appealed to the community for support, saying that all he had done was divert resources to “his people”, so how could that be wrong.
Yet dealing with grand corruption — and therefore tribalism — is easier than we are made to think with all these task forces, committees, policy papers, and commissions, set up to reduce public anger.
Grand corruption is a function of power and access and so the more powerful one is, the more likely they are to be corrupt for they also have the backing and support of the presidency.
All we need is courage and political will from the top.
BETTER STANDARDS
Higher standards and scrutiny must be set for those with the biggest budgets, powerful portfolios, confidential budgets and with most access to the presidency than anyone else.
It is these people that should be suspended at the first sniff of a scandal for the longer they stay, the more they hurt their protector, and the more feelings of tribalism and anger fester.
It also needs a thorough vetting of those closest to power, along with lifestyle audits.
For instance does Uhuru Kenyatta have people — in formal or informal capacities — previously mentioned around scandals such as Anglo Leasing?
Ultimately, though some of the policies announced recently are good, what this country needs is an end to the double standards where some are protected and others not, and for a sense that Mr Kenyatta will not tolerate anyone whose credentials around corruption are suspect.
He may lose some political support but he stands to gain in reputation and legacy. But is he willing?

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