LONDON – It seemed that a
new model for global governance had been forged in the white heat of the
financial crisis. But now that the ashes are cooling, different
perspectives on bank regulation are emerging on either side of the
Atlantic.
The emphasis in Europe has been on regulating
financial markets with a view to moderating future crises. Credit
mistakes are made during the boom, not during the crash, so the argument
goes. Better regulation and monetary policy during the boom years,
therefore, could limit the scale of any bust.
By contrast, the
emphasis in the United States has been on finding market-friendly ways
to contain spillovers from bank failure. Policy debates in the US are
chiefly preoccupied with ensuring that banks are never “too big to
fail”; that private investors rather than taxpayers hold “contingent
capital,” which in a crash can be converted into equity; and that
“over-the-counter” markets’ functioning be improved through greater
reliance on centralized trading, clearing, and settlements.
The
chief point of intersection between the European and US approaches is
major banks. This convergence has less to do with regulatory thinking on
bank size or function than with a common need to play to the political
gallery and raise more tax revenue.
Banks’ balance sheets are
systemically dangerous when bloated by leverage, and it is this that
regulatory or fiscal policy should address through liquidity buffers and
leverage ratios. After all, it is the contagiousness of financial
crises, not banks’ size, that matters. Any list conjured up in 2006 of
institutions that were “too big to fail” would not have included
Northern Rock, Bradford & Bingley, IKB, Bear Sterns, or even Lehman
Brothers.
Banks lend to banks, so while some are more illiquid
than others, they are all intrinsically illiquid institutions. Small
failures can give birth to large panics, which means that in a crisis
almost everyone is “too big to fail.” The reality is that we can have as
large a financial boom and subsequent bust as we just experienced,
resulting in the same economic misery, in a world made up only of small
banks.
Many argue that bankers’ belief that their institutions
are too big to fail and that their jobs are safe encourages them to
underestimate the risks that they assume. But if that belief dominated
bankers’ thinking, they would still worry about their savings. In other
words, they would not wrap themselves up in their institutions’ equity
and the leveraged products they were selling.
Yet they did. The
revealed preference of banks’ and bankers’ behavior is that they did not
lend more because they thought they could get away with it, but because
they thought it was safe. They were fools more than knaves.
The
main driver of excessive lending and leverage is a mistaken view of
risk that is shared by everyone. The riskiest institutions were not the
largest: firms like J. P. Morgan and HSBC proved safer than others, and
neither sought nor needed state funding. Those that failed were
relatively small, like IKB, Bear Sterns, and so on.
Big banks
like the idea that regulation should care less about banks’ size and
more about their riskiness, and so champion a “risk-sensitive” approach –
not least because they have the bigger risk-management operations and
databases, so risk-sensitive regulation is more onerous for their
smaller competitors. But this approach suffers from a fatal fallacy: if
booms are fueled by underestimation of risks, and regulation is made
more sensitive to the estimation of risks, booms will be bigger and
busts deeper.
A better argument for curbing bank size is the
excessive influence of big banks on policy. What policymakers should
therefore be looking for is regulation that makes the financial system
less sensitive to error in markets’ estimation of risk, not more so.
There are two ways to do this.
The first is to observe that this
error is correlated with the boom-bust cycle. Booms have similar
characteristics – strong growth in banks’ balance sheets and credit, and
therefore a rise in leverage.
These trends imply an increased
probability that the market is underestimating risk, so systemic risk
regulators should raise minimum capital requirements as soon as they
spot them.
Counter-cyclical capital requirements fit with this
idea, and a range of indicators could be used to calibrate the increase
in capital requirements, coupled perhaps with some discretion. There are
many reasons why the market fails to correct systemic error, including
that booms are always founded on a belief by both regulators and bankers
that “this time it is different.”
Let’s not forget the essays in central banks’ stability reports on how credit derivatives were benefiting the financial sector.
The
second way to reduce the financial system’s sensitivity to
risk-estimation errors is to limit the flow of risks to institutions
with a structural, rather than a statistical, capacity for holding that
risk. That way, when the risk modelers get it wrong, we will be in less
trouble.
Credit risk is best hedged through diversification
across uncorrelated credits. Liquidity risk is best hedged through
diversification across time. Market risk is best hedged through a
combination of diversification across assets and enough time to decide
when to sell. In the past, risks with volatility of similar statistical
magnitudes were considered to be fungible, and,could flow to whomever
was prepared to bear them.
But, while banks with short-term
funding and many branches originating loans have a deep capacity for
holding credit risks, they have a limited capacity for holding market
risks, and little capacity for holding liquidity risk. Insurance
companies and pension funds, on the other hand, have limited capacity
for credit risk, but more for market and liquidity risks.
The
lesson for regulators is simple: capacity for risk is related to the
maturity of funding, not to what an institution is called.
Avinash
Persaud, Chairman of Intelligence Capital Limited and Emeritus
Professor of Gresham College, London, led the regulatory sub-committee
of the UN Commission on Financial Reform.
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